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The Peace Process
One Extreme In February 1974, in a Westminster general election, 11 out of the North’s then 12 constituencies returned anti-Agreement unionists. They were opposed to the Sunningdale Agreement, which had been negotiated a few months earlier between the Ulster Unionist party, under Brian Faulkner, and the SDLP, under Gerry Fitt. The eleven MPs were opposed to the power sharing executive at Stormont, disrupted its meetings, and were opposed to what was called the ‘Irish Dimension’ in the shape of a Council of Ireland which actually never met. Sinn Fein had yet to adopt an electoral strategy and the IRA was committed to armed struggle (though by Christmas of that year it would call a ceasefire). The new MPs, made up of dissident Ulster Unionists and Ian Paisley, then collaborated with the Ulster Workers Council and organised a general strike in May of that year. To bring the North to its knees the UWC had to rely on loyalist paramilitaries, mainly the UDA, but also the UVF, to hijack vehicles at gunpoint, close down roads and prevent people from going to work. The UDA commander, Andy Tyrie, and UVF leaders were on the UWC Co-ordinating Committee. During this period loyalist paramilitaries killed six Catholics in the Rose and Crown bar on the Ormeau Road, a husband and wife in Donaghmore, several Catholic workers, and two Catholic brothers who ran a bar in Ballymena. On the third day of the UWC strike loyalists, almost certainly helped by elements of British intelligence, planted car bombs in Dublin and Monaghan and slaughtered 33 children, women and men. When power and petrol supplies were cut Brian Faulkner was forced to resign and the power-sharing executive collapsed. The alliance of anti-Agreement paramilitaries and politicians triumphantly marched to Stormont. In the intervening 30 years, to the top of the hill, then down again to the bottom, is the only place these politicians have ever taken their people. Then, as now, the real issue wasn’t about the IRA, or ‘Sinn Fein/IRA’, but was about sharing power, equality and parity of esteem – principles which are alien to the raison d’etre of the six-county state and its culture of a ‘Protestant Parliament for a Protestant People’. Last week on television the DUP’s Gregory Campbell inadvertently admitted this when he said that even had the IRA decommissioned its weapons “with transparency” in October it still wasn’t the issue. The issue was the terms of the Good Friday Agreement, which “had given nationalists everything” – that is, some of their democratic entitlements. The whole issue of the IRA is just an excuse for unionists not to engage with the nationalist community. Some commentators have described the current deadlock as having been exacerbated by “ the election of the two extremes”, as if Sinn Fein is refusing to share power with unionists or doesn’t recognise unionist aspirations. Sinn Fein has genuinely pursued a dialogue with unionism. However, most unionists still adhere to the myth that the conflict in the North was one-sided, that the IRA was responsible for all violence. The DUP and its supporters need reminding of its history. In 1977 the DUP once again allied themselves to the UDA during another UWC strike. The stoppage lacked support and so the UDA turned to intimidation, shooting dead a Citybus driver in Belfast, Protestant Harry Bradshaw, in an attempt to stop public transport. The DUP set up a ‘Third Force’, a vigilante organisation in 1981, which operated illegal checkpoints and held rallies. In 1986 the DUP helped found Ulster Resistance, a paramilitary-style force whose members marched in military formation wearing red berets. There was the famous incident when Peter Robinson, armed with a firearm, led a loyalist mob in an attack on Clontibret garda station. He was found guilty of unlawful assembly and fined fifteen thousand punts. Members of Ulster Resistance were involved in industrial espionage and were caught selling details of Shortt’s blowpipe missile technology to the South African apartheid regime. Ulster Resistance, in collaboration with British Intelligence, smuggled into the North a large shipment of weapons that were used to kill several hundred nationalists in the 1990s. The DUP and other unionist representatives for decades have acted as cheerleaders for British army and RUC violence and have justified repression, torture, shoot-to-kill operations, exclusion orders, censorship and discrimination. Extremists were certainly elected last Wednesday but they were unionists. At the most, 34 or 35 unionist representatives out of a potential assembly of 108 members are opposed to the Belfast Agreement. The Agreement still has the support of a majority of people in the North, and was endorsed in referenda, passed as legislation in both Britain and Ireland and is lodged at the United Nations as an international binding Treaty. However, the very provision which was written into the Agreement to prevent abuse – that the executive and assembly require the consent of a majority of both unionist and nationalist elected representatives - gives the DUP, as the leading party of the unionist community, the power to prevent an inclusive executive from being formed. Ultimately, Britain is to blame for the supremacist mentality within unionism, which came with partition. That is not to say that things haven’t changed. Things have changed and many unionists are prepared to share power and recognise the compromises that nationalists and republicans have made in the interests of reconciliation. Sinn Fein, having emerged as the leaders for the nationalist community, has to face down the DUP. The DUP has declared that it will not share power with Sinn Fein and thinks that it can renegotiate the Agreement. It has yet to learn that there can be no assembly, no executive and no power for the DUP without the consent of Sinn Fein, and that the nationalist community is not about to give up or dilute rights which it took eighty years to secure.
IRA Easter Message 2004 "The leadership of Óglaigh na hÉireann extends fraternal greetings to all Volunteers, to republican activists and to our supporters and friends at home and abroad. We send solidarity greetings to our imprisoned comrades and their families. On this, the 88th anniversary of the 1916 Rising, we especially remember our patriot dead and extend solidarity to their families. We commemorate the freedom fighters of all generations who have given their lives for Irish freedom. Ten years ago, we declared a complete cessation of military operations to enhance the democratic peace process. We stated our belief that an opportunity to secure a just and lasting settlement had been created. Our cessation was not only a definitive and powerful signal of our commitment to that process, it was also a defining moment in the recent history of this island. We stated that others, especially the British Government, had a duty to face up to their responsibilities. In an attempt to deflect from the significance of our initiative and evade their responsibilities, the British Government of that time and the political leaderships of unionism became fixated with achieving the surrender of the IRA. They failed and despite their opposition the peace process was created. In the period since, the IRA leadership has consistently demonstrated our commitment to advancing the process through a series of substantive initiatives, which have included:
Throughout the ten years of our cessation there has been very serious provocation from British securocrats, their military forces and their allies in unionist paramilitarism. In the same period, others within the British and Irish establishments have persisted with the idea of defeating republicans rather than moving forward. They are now on an offensive. The old conservative agenda has re-emerged. The unionist paramilitaries are responding to that. IRA guns remain silent, despite an onslaught of unionist paramilitary violence against Catholics, including hundreds of attacks and a number of killings over the last year. Today also, we are witnessing another attempt to criminalise and demonise republicans and the republican struggle. This time it is for selfish electoral reasons. Leading this are Irish politicians who stood idly by while Irish citizens, North and South, were being terrorised by the RUC, the British Army and their surrogates in the unionist death squads. Twenty-three years ago, the men and women in the H-Blocks and Armagh Gaol defeated the policy of criminalisation. Ten Irish republicans died on hunger strike in defence of the integrity of the republican struggle. This new attempt will also fail. Last October, agreements were made and commitments given. The IRA leadership fulfilled our commitments. The leadership of the Ulster Unionist Party and the two governments did not fulfil theirs. They acted in bad faith. Yet again the two governments are attempting to move the goalposts. This has caused justifiable anger. It is unacceptable that other protagonists should try to dictate the terms of our cessation. The honouring of agreements and commitments is critical in instilling confidence and demonstrating that politics can work. They are essential elements of building an enduring political process. The two governments, and in particular the British Government, must fulfil their commitments. Until they do so there can be little prospect of any progress. Beirigí bua." P.O'Neill Irish Republican Publicity Bureau
The decade of the Peace Process On 1 September 1994, An Phoblacht's front page carried a statement from the leadership of Óglaigh na hÉireann calling for republicans to Seize the moment for peace. The historic statement announced a cessation after 25 years of armed struggle by the IRA and marked the beginning of the Peace Process. On this, the tenth anniversary of the cessation, Irish Republican Media maps out the significant milestones that led to the Army's decisive initiative and looks at some of the key events that have followed in the ten years since. Introduction The publication of Gerry Adams' 1986 book, The Politics of Irish Freedom; the subsequent production of A Scenario for Peace in May 1987; the 1988 Sinn Féin/SDLP talks; the publication of a Pathway to Peace; and the 1992 launch of Towards a Lasting Peace, were all crucial steps taken by republicans in the lead-up to the events of 1994. However, it was the 1993 Hume/Adams talks that marked the most substantial milestone in the Peace Process. Those talks and the resulting Irish Peace Initiative broke through the failure of the Brooke/Mayhew talks, which had begun in 1990 and collapsed a year later.
1993 April The initial reaction to the disclosure in April 1993 of renewed meetings between Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams and SDLP leader John Hume was far from positive. Fine Gael leader John Bruton described the first statement from the two party leaders as "little more than a propaganda front". The then leader of Democratic Left, Proinsias De Rossa, described the talks as a monumental error of judgement, saying the claim to national self-determination was a "dangerous self-delusion". May In the weeks after the Hume/Adams April statement, Sinn Féin increased its vote in the Six-County local elections by over 10,000, winning 51 seats and securing a greater share of the vote (23%) in Belfast City Council than any other party. June Martin McGuinness, speaking at Bodenstown, said: "I reiterate that the republican demand for a British withdrawal is not aimed at unionists. It is a demand that the people of Ireland, including Protestants, be allowed to control our own destiny and shape a society which is pluralist and reflective of the diversity of all our people." August An Irish-American delegation led by Bruce Morrison visited Ireland and met Sinn Féin representatives. September On 25 September, Adams and Hume announced they were suspending their talks having "agreed to forward a report on the decision reached to date to Dublin for consideration". The publication of the second statement generated intense media and political speculation. It was clear that the two party leaders had agreed a significant initiative designed to secure widespread support for an all-inclusive Peace Process. Their statement was greeted with the usual negativity from unionists. October Óglaigh na hÉireann issued a statement welcoming the Hume/Adams Initiative. The statement said: "Our Volunteers, our supporters, have a vested interest in seeking a just and lasting peace in Ireland." November The British Government admitted it had been involved in meetings with Sinn Féin between 1991 and 1993. A third Hume/Adams statement called on the British Government to "respond positively and quickly" to the "opportunity for peace". December The Downing Street Declaration was launched by Albert Reynolds and John Major. The declaration affirmed the right of the people of the Six Counties to self-determination and also stated that Ireland would be united, if a majority of the Six Counties population were in favour of such a move. It also pledged the governments to seek a peaceful constitutional settlement and said that parties linked with paramilitaries could take part in discussions on the North's future, if all paramilitary activity stopped. Within hours it became clear the two governments had different interpretations of the document. When Sinn Féin sought clarification, John Major said: "There was nothing more to tell".
1994 January Sinn Féin initiated a public consultation process through a series of peace commissions, asking the general public to give its response to the Declaration. Adams slammed John Major's refusal to clarify the Declaration. On 15 January, an Irish Independent poll found that 74% of people in the 26 Counties favoured a united Ireland. The Dublin Government allowed Section 31 of the Broadcasting Act to lapse, ending 22 years of direct political censorship. The legislation was not repealed, however, and the undemocratic power to censor by Ministerial order remains in situ to this day. February Bill Clinton gave Gerry Adams a visa to visit the United States. The Sinn Féin leader's subsequent visit to the US, opposed by the British Government, internationalised the issue of conflict resolution in Ireland. March Óglaigh na hÉireann announced a three-day suspension of offensive military operations in a move to reflect its "willingness to be positive and flexible". May The British Government responded to Sinn Féin's 20 questions June The UVF killed six nationalists and wounded five others, as they watched Ireland play Italy in the World Cup at O'Toole's bar in Loughinisland, Co.Down. An Phoblacht revealed that the total number of attacks by loyalists on bars and clubs since 1971 amounted to 80, with almost 160 people killed. July Sinn Féin delegates and party members met in Letterkenny to democratically discuss and endorse the Ard Chomhairle's response to the Downing Street Declaration. August On 31 August, the IRA released a statement announcing a cessation of all activities from midnight. September Gerry Adams pledged in conjunction with John Hume and the then Taoiseach Albert Reynolds the party's total commitment to democratic and peaceful methods of resolving political problems. The three leaders shared an historic handshake. The British removed the broadcasting ban on Sinn Féin. October Sinn Féin held an internal conference in Dublin to discuss developments. The Forum for Peace and Reconciliation opened in Dublin Castle. Gerry Adams made an appearance on the Late Late Show and had his offer to shake Gay Byrne's hand rejected. The Combined Loyalist Military Command announced a cessation. November The Fianna Fáil/Labour coalition in the 26 Counties collapsed. The Fine Gael-led coalition under John Bruton that followed was seen as a stumbling block to the process. December The first official meeting was held between British Government officials and Sinn Féin. The government claimed decommissioning was an obstacle to progress, but would not answer Sinn Féin's questions about demilitarisation. Sinn Féin produced a demilitarisation map, detailing the massive number of British military posts in Ireland.
1995 February John Major and John Bruton launched their 'Framework' document, which included plans for a Six-County Assembly. July Sinn Féin pulled out of talks with the British Government, after the British introduced the issue of decommissioning. The party said the subject had not been on the table when the IRA called their cessation. Residents of the Lower Ormeau Road were hemmed into their area as the RUC forced an Orange Order march down the road. November US President Bill Clinton shook Gerry Adams' hand in a Falls Road cafe during his first visit to Belfast. December The head of the International Body on Decommissioning, former US Senator George Mitchell, invited submissions on arms decommissioning from all parties.
1996 January The Mitchell report was published, laying down six principles of non-violence for entry into all-party talks. February The IRA ended its cessation with the bombing of Canary Wharf after the British Government failed to live up to its commitments. Sinn Féin had engaged positively with the International Body on Decommissioning in 1995 and 1996 in an attempt to resolve the impasse, and despite the bad faith of the Major government (Major demanded a statement of surrender from the IRA), used all its influence to sustain the first cessation for a full 17 months, until the rejection by Major of the report of the International Body on Decommissioning. March Sinn Féin was turned away from a consultative process organised by the two governments. May In the Six-County Forum elections to all-party talks, Sinn Féin polled a record vote. June Sinn Féin was barred from the opening of inter-party talks. Garda Jerry McCabe was killed in an IRA raid on a post office in Adare. Five IRA activists were arrested and imprisoned. October The IRA bombed the British Headquarters in Ireland, Thiepval Barracks in Lisburn.
1997 May Results in the British General Election put Labour Party leader Tony Blair into 10 Downing Street and returned Gerry Adams and party colleague, Martin McGuinness, as MPs. June Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin was elected TD for Cavan/ Monaghan. A Fianna Fáil/Progressive Democrats government was formed in the 26 Counties, with Bertie Ahern taking over as Taoiseach. Blair visited the North and gave the go ahead for exploratory contacts between government officials and Sinn Féin. July On 21 July, the IRA announced its second cessation in three years. Sinn Féin had undertaken a number of political initiatives to bring about this cessation. British Secretary of State Mo Mowlam said she would monitor activity over the following six weeks to decide if Sinn Féin would be admitted to all-party talks scheduled for 15 September. Violence on the Garvaghy Road brought a renewed call for a proper policing service in the Six Counties and an end to Orange Order parades being forced through nationalist areas. August An international decommissioning body was set up to deal with the weapons issue. September Sinn Féin signed up to the Mitchell Principles and entered all party-talks. The Ulster Unionists joined the talks, but the DUP stayed away. The UUP's Ken Maginnis rejected the hand of friendship from Gerry Adams at multi-party talks in Stormont, and accused the British Labour government of bringing "murderers to the table of democracy". October Adams and McGuinness met Blair for the first time at Stormont Castle buildings.
1998 April The Good Friday Agreement was signed, with Sinn Féin members endorsing it at the party's Ard Fheis in Dublin on 18/19 April. May After securing party support for the Good Friday Agreement, Sinn Féin campaigned for it in both referendums. Despite the risk of destabilising its own constituency, the party sought and secured support to amend its constitution to remove a 75-year-old ban on members taking seats in any Northern Assembly. The IRA also worked constructively and in good faith with the Independent Commission on Decommissioning. The people of Ireland, in referenda North and South, voted overwhelmingly in favour of the Good Friday Agreement. July On 1 July, David Trimble was elected First Minister and Séamus Mallon Deputy First Minister of the new Northern Assembly. David Trimble then sought to have Sinn Féin excluded from the Executive. The summer passed with no Executive formed. The Orange Order began its siege at Drumcree and the three Quinn children were burnt alive in their Ballymoney home by loyalist arsonists. August Dissident republicans bombed Omagh town centre, killing 29 people. October The 31 October deadline for completion of a programme of work and the establishment of the Shadow Executive and the Shadow Ministerial Council was not met. A different mechanism was established. December Agreement on these matters was reached on 2 December. The UUP reneged on this agreement on 3 December, then agreed again on 18 December but then deferred any movement and attempted to re-negotiate.
1999 March The British Government promised to trigger the d'Hondt Principles (allocating power in the Assembly in accordance with the strength of support for a party), but failed to do so. April Instead, on 1 April in the Hillsborough Declaration — an attempt to further meet UUP demands — the two governments made proposals on the Executive and on the issue of decommissioning which were outside the terms of the Agreement. One year after the signing of the Agreement, no progress had been made. May On 14 May in Downing Street, agreement was reached between the two governments, the UUP and Sinn Féin to establish the Shadow Executive the following week. The UUP reneged on this the following day. June Sinn Féin made massive gains in the local elections in the 26 Counties and raised its European vote. July The Way Forward statement by the two governments was issued at Castle Buildings on 14 July. This was subsequently developed unilaterally by the British Government into draft legislation tabled on 12 July, which was outside the terms of the Agreement. On 15 July, David Trimble once again failed to establish the Executive. Séamus Mallon resigned. On 24 July, against this difficult backdrop, the Sinn Féin negotiating team reported to the Ard Chomhairle on the preliminary discussions with Senator Mitchell and the British Government in respect of a review. The IRA blamed the British Government's continuous capitulation to the unionist veto for the political crisis. September The Patten report on policing was published. It met with stringent resistance from unionists, but was seen by republicans as the bare minimum of what was needed to be done to fix policing in the Six Counties. November On 15 November, the Mitchell Review concluded with proposals that:
On 27 November, a meeting of the Ulster Unionist Council created a new precondition and a new false deadline on the issue of decommissioning. Then on 29 November, almost 20 months after the Good Friday Agreement, the Northern Executive was finally established. December On 13 December the inaugural meeting of the all-Ireland Ministerial Council was held in Armagh and six all-Ireland implementation bodies were established.
2000 February On 11 February, Secretary of State Peter Mandelson unilaterally suspended the political institutions, at the behest of unionism. This was despite the fact that a new and significant proposition to resolve the arms issue had been laid on the table. May The two governments published a joint statement agreeing to re-establish the institutions and to implement the outstanding aspects of the Good Friday Agreement. On Saturday 6 May the IRA issued a statement stating that it would "initiate a process that will completely and verifiably put IRA arms beyond use". On 30 May, power was restored to the political institutions including the Assembly, Executive and all-Ireland bodies. June The IRA announced it had re-established contact with the Commission on Decommissioning and that a number of its dumps have been inspected. In October, the dumps were re-inspected. August Further calls were made by republicans for British demilitarisation. December The IRA detailed the commitments it expected the British Government to fulfil to create the context for a process of putting weapons beyond use. These included "the implementation of Patten; to progressively take all the necessary steps to demilitarise the situation; to deal with matters relating to human rights, equality and justice; to resolve issues which remain outstanding at this stage in the development of the Peace Process".
2001 March Further talks at Hillsborough failed to provide a breakthrough on the restoration of Sinn Féin Ministers' attendance at North-South Ministerial Council meetings, which was being blocked by David Trimble. The IRA announced it had decided to enter into further discussions with the IICD and General de Chastelain confirmed its re-engagement. The Stevens' team, investigating the murder of Patrick Finucane, was forced to quit its offices at an RUC complex in Carrickfergus, after they were burned down in suspicious circumstances. May Trimble threatened to resign as First Minister on 1 July if the IRA had not begun decommissioning by then. Meanwhile, two international inspectors confirmed they had carried out a third inspection of the arms dumps and that the weapons remained unused. The IRA responded to Trimble's threats, reminding him they had met the decommissioning body four times since March. Sinn Féin had four MPs elected in the Westminster election, Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness, Pat Doherty and Michelle Gildernew. June In a briefing with An Phoblacht, the IRA said it had honoured all its commitments made in the seven years since the cessation, and said that the arms issue would not be resolved through ultimatums. July Talks at Weston Park ended with government officials sent away to draw up a package on policing, demilitarisation, the stability of the political institutions and decommissioning. August The two governments published proposals on police reform and demilitarisation designed to create the context sought by the IRA for decommissioning to take place. The IICD announced that the IRA had proposed a method to put its weapons beyond use. The IRA confirmed this two days later. Trimble again claimed the statement was not enough and the Assembly was suspended for one day by Northern Secretary John Reid. It was restored on 12 August, giving a further six-week period for an agreement to be found. September Catholic schoolchildren and their mothers came under attack from loyalist thugs in north Belfast as they tried to make their way to Holy Cross school. The 'protest' against the children of Ardoyne walking to school continued for some time, and the world looked on horrified. Unionists used the 11 September bombings in America as another excuse not to talk to Sinn Féin. The IRA said it would intensify its engagement with the IICD. October The UUP tabled a motion to exclude Sinn Féin from the Executive, claiming the IRA had failed to decommission. Following the defeat of this motion, the UUP Ministers withdrew from the Executive. Gerry Adams announced he and Martin McGuinness had asked the IRA to move on decommissioning and this was followed by a statement form the IRA saying it had implemented proposals to put arms completely and verifiably beyond use. November The RUC was renamed the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI). Trimble was re-elected First Minister of the Assembly.
2002 January A break-in at the Special Branch office in Castlereagh was blamed on republicans. April The IRA made another move to put a quantity of arms beyond use, described by General de Chasteain as "substantial". The IRA denied any involvement in the Castlereagh break-in. May Five Sinn Féin TDs were elected and the Fianna Fáil/PD coalition was returned to power. June Alex Maskey was elected Mayor of Belfast. July The IRA apologised to families of non-combatants killed during the conflict. September The IRA restated its commitment to the Peace Process in an exclusive interview with An Phoblacht. However, it said, "sections of the British military and its intelligence agencies, including the Special Branch, are still at war". October The trial of the Colombia Three — Niall Connolly, Martin McCauley and Jim Monaghan - arrested in August 2001, began. The Assembly was suspended after the PSNI stormed into Sinn Féin offices in the Executive and claimed they had found intelligence dossiers. Subsequently, the serious charges of intelligence gathering against the one woman and three men arrested at Stormont would be dropped. On 31 October, the IRA suspended contact with the IICD. The army said that unacceptable and untenable ultimatums had been placed on them, while the British Government had not kept its own commitments.
2003 April The two governments came forward with a Joint Declaration, which agreed to move forward on some of the promises not followed through after the Agreement. However, the document also proposed the setting up of the Independent Monitoring Commission to monitor paramilitary activities, a body outside the terms of the Agreement. Republicans rightly feared it would be used against them. In this month also, the recommendations of the Stevens' Report were published, although not the report itself, proving that there was institutional collusion between the British state and loyalists throughout the conflict. Sinn Féin's Alex Maskey pointed out the report was only the tip of the iceberg. May The Assembly elections were postponed by the British Government. October Judge Peter Cory delivered his reports to the two governments into eight controversial killings during the conflict. The UUP backed out of a series of choreographed moves designed to get the Assembly up and running again. Following significant gestures on arms by the IRA and a statement reiterating the army's complete commitment to peace, Gerry Adams made a ground-breaking statement on the Peace Process. At the last minute, Trimble refused to accept the gesture or live up to his side of the deal and the two governments failed to push him, despite republicans fulfilling their side of the bargain. November Sinn Féin became the largest nationalist party in the Six Counties, winning 24 seats in the Assembly elections to the SDLP's 18. The DUP become the largest unionist party, taking 30 seats. The 26-County Government published its sections of the Cory Report.
2004 January The Independent Monitoring Commission came into effect. Judge Cory made it public that he had recommended public inquiries into the cases investigated in his report. April The British Government finally published censored versions of its sections of the Cory Report and agreed to set up inquiries into the deaths of Rosemary Nelson, Robert Hamill and Billy Wright, but cited the ongoing investigation into the Patrick Finucane case as reason not to establish an inquiry into his death. The Colombia Three were found innocent on charges of training left-wing Guerrillas in Colombia. The IMC claimed the IRA was still active and imposed financial sanctions on Sinn Féin. Adams slammed the Dublin Government for going along with the IMC. June In European elections across the country and local elections in the South, Sinn Féin got two MEPs elected and its largest number of councillors (126) ever. July All-party talks were announced for September.
How the Northern Ireland Office has put the Peace Process at risk Over the last few months Sinn Féin has been highlighting the ongoing campaign by securocrats within the Northern Ireland Office (NIO) to dismantle the Good Friday Agreement and ultimately put the entire Peace Process at risk. This week An Phoblacht details how the NIO campaign has been conducted. When the Stormont parliament was prorogued in 1972, after 50 years of sectarian one-party rule by the Unionist Party, it was replaced by direct British rule. Legislative and executive power went to London, ultimately to the office of the British Prime Minister at 10 Downing Street. But it was the Northern Ireland Office, established in 1972 that was — and still is — responsible for the day to day running of British rule in the Six Counties. It co-ordinated the British war of counter-insurgency and has played the most malign role in Irish politics — colluding with loyalist paramilitaries, setting up torture centres, constructing an emergency powers system which completely undermines human rights, actively supporting discrimination and undermining efforts to create a peace process. It has been, in effect, the British War Office in Ireland. Despite all the efforts and the massive resources of the NIO over two decades the Irish Peace Process was created but the NIO's negative influence has seen the process lunge from crisis to crisis and in recent years we have seen the securocrats return to the ascendancy. Sinn Féin is not alone in highlighting concerns about the negative influence of the securocrats. In 1998 Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs David Andrews, commenting on the ongoing leaks from the NIO said: "It would appear that the leaker — or the leakers — are opposed to the Peace Process". He went on to say: "Sneaky little people in the Northern Ireland Office are not going to obstruct us in the pursuit of what we all seek to achieve — a permanent peace on the island of Ireland." Sinn Féin wants to see progress in the Peace Process, but for this to happen British Prime Minister Tony Blair has to get his system in order. He has to face up to the reality that there are those within his system who are against the Good Friday Agreement. You cannot have one layer of government supporting the Good Friday Agreement while another, the NIO, is actively working to undermine it. Political Interference The NIO has led the way in undermining the Peace Process and this includes opposing the British Government's position of supporting the Good Friday Agreement, appeasing negative unionism, creating a two-tier approach to the issue of victims, orchestrating the highly political and public raid on Sinn Féin offices, collapsing the political institutions, creating a partisan commission with the sole purpose of attacking Sinn Féin and, this summer, overturning Parades Commission rulings on the Springfield Road, Lurgan and Ardoyne. Destructive leaks to undermine the Good Friday Agreement Since the beginning of the Peace Process there have been numerous destructive leaks to the media from individuals inside the NIO. All of these leaks have one thing in common — they are designed to impede progress at key moments. Two of the most publicised leaks were July 1997 when the 'gameplan' for forcing an Orange march down the nationalist Garvaghy Road was leaked and in June 1998 when a confidential memo relating to the talks was given to the media. Collusion The British government and NIO are still concealing collusion between British forces and pro-British death squads. In July 2004 it was discovered that a dossier with the details of 400 people had gone missing from Castlereagh Crown Forces Base and the UDA has claimed that it is in their possession. Despite the fact that the lives of these people are at risk the NIO has refused to comment other than stating that 28 members of the RIR have been withdrawn from duty. The NIO is attempting to cover up this scandal. The issue of collusion goes to the heart of the NIO's role as the British War Office in Ireland. That is why it is so determined to suppress collusion as a political issue. Even a glance at the background will tell us why. In 1989 Douglas Hogg, a Home Office Minister, told MPs in the House of Commons that some solicitors in the Six Counties were "unduly sympathetic to the cause of the IRA", just weeks before Belfast lawyer Pat Finucane was murdered. Hogg, who went on to become a Cabinet member, made his remarks after a briefing from senior Royal Ulster Constabulary officers. Former British Secretary of State Tom King caused a public outcry when he gave a character reference to British agent Brian Nelson who was responsible for dozens of murders. This is not ancient history. The loyalist gangs sponsored by the British securocrats for decades are still operating and are capable of intensifying their attacks at key periods. For example over a three-month period in 2002 there were 363 attacks against Catholics — on average four sectarian attacks per day. This included 144 bomb attacks, 25 shooting incidents, 151 homes damaged, 42 people assaulted and the murder of Gerard Lawlor by loyalists as he walked home along the Antrim Road. International distortion of the truth by the NIO Over the last decade the NIO has been engaged in a very deliberate campaign internationally to undermine the Peace Process. Leading NIO officials have travelled extensively in the US where, for example, in October 2002 they deliberately distorted and misinterpreted a key speech delivered in Belfast by the British Prime Minister Tony Blair. In that speech Blair stated: "It is time for acts of completion. We will do our best to carry on implementing the Agreement in any event. But, should real change occur, we can implement the rest of the Agreement, including on normalisation, in its entirety and not in stages but together." After spinning by the NIO Political Directorate the speech was presented very differently. "There needed to be 'acts of completion' by republicans, rendering the transition to 'exclusively peaceful means real, total and permanent'. In turn, all parties would need to commit to the future stability of the institutions. If this happened, then all of the outstanding elements of the Good Friday Agreement - including normalisation of security arrangements in NI in line with the level of threat — could be implemented'. When Judge Peter Cory issued his report on collusion last year he recommended a public inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane. But the NIO falsely stated that he opposed an inquiry because of the implications for those currently before the courts. The NIO is hollowing out the Good Friday Agreement The NIO has been responsible for hollowing out key sections of the Good Friday Agreement on political institutions, policing, demilitarisation. parades, justice, human rights, equality, flags and symbols. Political Institutions The Good Friday Agreement provides for a "democratically elected Assembly, which is inclusive in its membership, capable of exercising executive and legislative authority." The NIO did a side deal with unionists in November 1999 during the Mitchell Review to introduce legislation outside the terms of the Agreement and giving the British Secretary of State powers to suspend the political institutions. These powers were first used on 11 February 2000 and the Assembly is currently in its fourth suspension. Suspension legislation has hung over the entire process since its introduction. Policing Under the Good Friday Agreement a Commission was to be formed to bring forward proposals to create a policing service, which would "enjoy widespread community support". The Patten Commission was duly established. From the outset the NIO sought to undermine nationalist hopes by packing the Commission with individuals with no understanding or sympathy with the nationalist position. The Commission's secretariat was undermined through the presence of RUC officers and unionist civil servants from within the NIO. The Patten Commission reported in September 1999 and made 175 recommendations. British Secretary of State Peter Mandelson, political head of the NIO, produced the first Police (NI) Bill on 16 May 2000. It was supposed to give effect to the Patten recommendations. In reality it gutted them. The NIO sought to change the Patten recommendations in a number of key areas:
The NIO Policing Bill implemented 11 recommendations in full, subverted completely 89 recommendations and partially dealt with another 75. Since then Sinn Féin has secured amending legislation to try to rectify the damage. However there is still much more work to be done before we reach the Good Friday Agreement commitment to an acceptable policing service. Demilitarisation The Good Friday Agreement promised that we would see a "normalisation of security arrangements and practices". That was over six years ago. There are currently over 13,000 British soldiers in the Six Counties. There are over 11,500 PSNI members. There are over 30 British Army installations including numerous spy posts. There are 13 joint PSNI/British Army bases. There are more than 140 PSNI bases. The PSNI remains militarised. Low level helicopter flights continue. Independent Monitoring Commission (IMC) The IMC is not part of the Good Friday Agreement. It was conceived by the NIO at the behest of unionists to be used as a tool to exclude republicans from the political institutions. The IMC is also attempting to reintroduce the NIO policy of 'political vetting' which was used in the late 1980s and early 1990s to discriminate against community projects in nationalist areas. Parades The NIO was directly responsible for forcing the Orange Order parade along Garvaghy Road in 1996 after a sustained campaign by unionist political leaders and paramilitaries brought weeks of sectarian violence onto the streets. The formation of the Parades Commission was designed to remove the power on parades away from unionist securocrats within both the PSNI and the NIO. This summer we have witnessed a fightback from these securocrats. Loyal Order parades in Lurgan and Ardoyne were deliberately allowed to breach the Parades Commission determinations after the intervention of the NIO at a political level and the PSNI on the ground. Human Rights The Good Friday Agreement sought to guarantee "Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity". It provided for the establishment of Human Rights Commissions (HRC) in the Six and 26 Counties. The NIO ensured that the legislation governing the Human Rights Commission would not allow for the range of powers or resources needed to address its remit. The NIO's oversight of recruitment to the Human Rights Commission resulted in an unbalanced Commission and therefore unbalanced human rights approaches. It also influenced the HRC's damaging approach on the proposed Bill of Rights. Since it was established four Human Rights Commissioners have resigned on points of principle. The NIO has interfered with the independence of the Human Rights Commission by vetting their budget. This interference was criticised by the Joint Human Rights Committee at Westminster. Ignoring the demand for independence the NIO and the HRC produced a joint plan of action designed to restore public confidence in the HRC. The approach to the action plan has further compromised the position of the HRC. The NIO has produced flawed criteria for the next round of appointments to the Human Rights Commission. The NIO has slowed down the progress towards a Bill of Rights and long-fingered progress on the Charter of Rights for the island. Equality The Good Friday Agreement provided for the establishment of an Equality Commission. The NIO oversight of the recruitment process ensured that it was unbalanced in its composition. In advance of the legislation forming the Commission, the NIO lobbied to ensure it would lack the powers to recommend sanctions against those in breach of equality legislation. The British Secretary of State has the final say on whether breaches have taken place, not the Equality Commission. Good Friday Agreement obligations to tackle key equality issues such as the unemployment differential through Targeting Social Need and a range of measures aimed at combating unemployment have been minimalist and deliberately constructed to delay progress. The NIO is opposed to the outworking of the Section 75 equality duty and its influence is evident in the failure of Departments to produce substantive equality or Targeting Social Need-related outcomes that are required to achieve the stated objectives of the Good Friday Agreement. Flags and Symbols The Good Friday Agreement requires that "symbols and emblems are used in a manner which promotes mutual respect rather than division. Arrangements will be made to monitor this issue and consider what action might be required." The NIO failed to put in place monitoring arrangements. It introduced an Order in Council (Flags Order 2000) giving power over flying of flags to the British Secretary of State. In February 2002 the NIO moved to retain British symbols in Court Buildings in direct contravention of the recommendations of the Criminal Justice Review. What is the Northern Ireland Office? British Secretary of State Paul Murphy is the head of the Northern Ireland Office, which has responsibility for 'security', policing and prisons, criminal justice, victims and human rights. The NIO has many layers, branches and divisions dealing with these issues and it is run by a 'permanent government' of senior civil servants, many of whom have been in place for several decades. Within this system there is an ethos which is unionist and anti-agreement and which is led by securocrats who are pursuing a policy contrary to the British Government's stated support of the Good Friday Agreement. Since the collapse of the political institutions Paul Murphy, along with four Junior Ministers, has responsibility for running the departments established by the Assembly. These junior ministers — John Spellar, Ian Pearson, Angela Smyth and Barry Gardiner — are all British Labour MPs based in England. In reality the departments are run by the NIO from its offices in Stormont Castle and Millbank in London.
Gerry Adams: "Sinn Féin can say yes to political package" Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams was joined by party negotiators Martin McGuinness MP, Gerry Kelly MLA, Caitriona Ruane MLA, Cllr. Joe Reilly, Michelle Gildernew MP and Mitchel MclAughlin MLA at a press conference this evening. Mr Adams said: "On Wednesday 17th November, Sinn Féin received a proposed outline for comprehensive agreement from the two governments. This included draft statements dealing with issues which are the responsibility of the governments, the DUP, Sinn Féin, the IICD and the IRA. The bulk of these dealt with outstanding aspects of the Good Friday Agreement as well as the DUP position on IRA arms. I will deal with that matter in a minute. I believe that Sinn Féin can say yes to the political package, as now presented. I have conveyed this in writing to the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister. I am satisfied that we have defended the fundamentals of the Good Friday Agreement, including its power-sharing, all-Ireland and equality provisions, that we have resolved issues of concern and succeeded in strengthening key provisions. The Good Friday Agreement requirement that parties commit to power sharing has been protected in the new arrangements for the election of the First and Deputy First Ministers as has the joint and equal nature of the positions of the First and Deputy First Ministers. In addition to successfully defending the Good Friday Agreement, we have made significant progress across a range of other important issues. There has been a singular focus, particularly by the DUP, on silent IRA arms. Resolving this issue of arms is a matter for the IICD and the armed groups. Sinn Féin has used whatever influence we have to see guns taken out of Irish politics. Martin McGuinness and I have been to the IRA. I am not prepared to go into the detail of these discussions. That organisation will take its own council and make its position clear in its own time. I do expect that, in the context of a comprehensive agreement, it will deal with issues that are its responsibility. I also assume that the first people to be informed of this will be its own membership. I’m not going to speculate on the detail of the IRA position. However, I can tell you that I do not believe that the IRA will allow itself to be humiliated. If the IRA does take initiatives in support of a comprehensive agreement this will be hugely painful for Irish republicans and nationalists. None of us is in any doubt about that. So I am appealing to republicans to be thoughtful and measured in responding to any future developments as they have been through decades of struggle. I am appealing directly to all those who support Irish Unity and independence to remain united and to support the efforts of Sinn Féin in these testing times. I recognise that some unionists do have genuine concerns about verification of arms being put beyond use, but Ian Paisley has to recognise also that the IRA will not submit to a process of humiliation. I do not expect Ian Paisley, or the DUP or the unionist paramilitaries to submit to such a process of humiliation. In my view the two governments know the significance of what is available from republicans. This is not a time for them to pander to unrealisable DUP demands. There is now, in the view of the Sinn Féin leadership, the opportunity to deal with genuine concerns about the IRA to the satisfaction of all reasonable people. In contrast, the public position of the DUP leadership on the issue of power sharing with Sinn Féin, the largest nationalist party, up to this point, remains a huge difficulty. The DUP leader, Ian Paisley, refuses to meet with us, or to accept our democratic mandate or to share government power with us. This is a difficulty which only he can resolve. For republicans and nationalists the prospect of sharing power with the DUP is not particularly attractive. But Sinn Féin is committed to that because we recognise the DUP’s electoral mandate. Both the DUP and Sinn Féin have much to do to make this process a success. But the prize of a just and lasting peace demands that of all responsible political leaders. There is also a huge responsibility on the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister, who currently has jurisdiction over this part of our island, to move forward on the delivery of the modest rights and entitlements set out, almost 7 years ago, in the Good Friday Agreement. We now have an unprecedented opportunity to move forward on the basis of partnership, equality and justice. I urge the DUP to join us in this historic endeavour."
IRA will not wear 'sackcloth and ashes' The IRA confirmed in a short statement last night that it has been in talks with the IICD's General John de Chastelain. The statement said: "The IRA leadership confirms that our representative has been in contact with and has met with the IICD". Hopes of an agreement to restore devolved government in the six counties were dashed by recent comments from DUP leader Ian Paisley. The Free Presbyterian fundamentalist, by linking his public demands for photographs of the IRA putting arms beyond use with his public statements of 'humiliation' of the IRA and their wearing 'sackcloth and ashes', has made it impossible for further progress to be made on the decommissioning issue. Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP recognised this yesterday when he said: "I can tell you that I do not believe that the IRA will allow itself to be humiliated ... I recognise that some unionists do have genuine concerns about verification of arms being put beyond use, but Ian Paisley has to recognise also that the IRA will not submit to a process of humiliation. "I do not expect Ian Paisley or the DUP or the unionist paramilitaries to submit to such a process of humiliation." Taoiseach Bertie Ahern also seemed to recognised this when he told the Dáil yesterday: "There is one major difficulty and I don't see the resolution in that, quite frankly. "Both parties have a strong, determined view of how they see that, and it has concerned me for some weeks about how this issue can be resolved." Mr Ahern and the British Prime Minister Tony Blair are expected in Belfast this afternoon where they are due to give an account of their proposals to restore devolved government at Stormont, detailing the progress made during recent negotiations. It is thought Mr Ahern and Mr Blair will point to the progress made on issues such as policing, demilitarisation and the workings of the Stormont Assembly.
From www.nio.gov.uk: PROPOSALS BY THE The documents presented here constitute the proposed agreement which the British and Irish Governments sent to Sinn Fein and the DUP. Despite intensive efforts over a number of months and very considerable progress, not all elements were agreed. We hope the people of Northern Ireland will reflect on what has been achieved and on the opportunity which this agreement, if accepted in its entirety, represents. For our part, we intend to press ahead to find ways of bridging the remaining gaps. Proposals by the British and Irish Governments for a Comprehensive Agreement 1 . Following intensive discussions at Leeds Castle and subsequently involving all the parties represented in the Northern Ireland Assembly, a basis for agreement has now been reached on the key issues identified by the Prime Minister, the Taoiseach and the parties at Lancaster House in June. These include the need to bring all forms of paramilitary activity to an end; the need to decommission all paramilitary weapons; the need for a clear commitment on all sides to the stability of the political institutions; and for the achievement of support for policing from all sides of the community. 2 . Together with the fulfilment of the commitments of the two Governments relating to the full implementation of the Agreement, all of these issues have been addressed satisfactorily. There is now a basis on which we can look forward to the early restoration of the Assembly, with the prospect of stable and inclusive powersharing government in Northern Ireland and the full operation of the North-South and East-West arrangements. The enabling steps to achieve these objectives are outlined in the annexed timetable. 3 . The Governments have made clear consistently that they remain committed to the fundamentals of the Agreement reached in 1998, including the need for consent to constitutional change, for absolute commitment to exclusively peaceful and democratic means, for stable inclusive partnership government, for a balanced institutional accommodation of the key relationships within Northern Ireland, between North and South and between these islands and for equality and human rights to be at the heart of the new dispensation in Northern Ireland. None of the parties in the review of the operation of the Agreement conducted this year have dissented from these fundamental elements. Paramilitary activity and decommissioning 4 . We are confident that steps will now be taken to provide for an immediate, full and permanent cessation of all paramilitary activity by the IRA. As regards IRA weapons, the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning will issue a report later today which sets out the way forward in terms of a definitive programme to ensure that the process is completed by the end of December 2004. These developments are momentous. The prospect of a new era of lasting peace and stability, involving the ending of all paramilitary activity and other illegal activity, requires all sides to respond positively. For their part, the Governments are determined to ensure that this unprecedented opportunity for peace is secured and sustained. This major step forward by the IRA underlines the need for rapid progress in regard to the decommissioning of all paramilitary weapons from all sources. We urge all parties and relevant groups to use their influence now to address the question of arms in the possession of loyalist paramilitaries. Political Institutions 5 . The Governments and the parties have been anxious to see the earliest possible ending of the suspension of the Northern Ireland Institutions. In addition, based on the extensive discussions in the Review, the Governments have made an assessment of what changes to the operation of certain aspects of the Agreement would be broadly acceptable to the parties. Based on this assessment, the British Government will lift suspension in February 2005 once legislation has been introduced in the British Parliament to amend a number of aspects of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 and related legislation. This legislation will also provide for the removal of the power of suspension. This will enable the institutional changes outlined in the attached annex to come into effect before the formation of the new Executive. 6 . To allow the parties to prepare adequately for the re-establishment of the political institutions, the British Government will also introduce legislation in December to allow the formation of a shadow Assembly. This shadow period will take effect on the completion of IRA decommissioning, at the beginning of January. Prior to this shadow period, following the IICD statement that the decommissioning process has commenced, it is envisaged that names of candidates for First and Deputy First Minister will be made public by the appropriate parties. Policing and Justice 7 . There have been extensive discussions about prospects for extending support across all sections of the community for the new policing arrangements in Northern Ireland. On the basis of these discussions, including on the key related issue of the devolution of justice and policing, we have a strong expectation that this process of decision making by Sinn Fein will be undertaken quickly. If required, the British Government will make appropriate arrangements to facilitate Sinn Fein membership of the new Policing Board once this decision making process has concluded. The Governments expect that Sinn Fein will be in a position to join the Policing Board no later than the date on which the Bill enabling devolution of policing and justice is enacted. 8 . The prospects for the devolution of responsibility for policing and justice will be influenced by the effective implementation of all the developments listed in this document. Against that background, the British Government will initiate discussions with the parties on the modalities of devolution as soon as the IICD has confirmed the completion of IRA decommissioning, with the aim of agreement by the time the Executive is established. On that basis the British Government will commit to introducing into Parliament by the summer of 2005 the legislation necessary to permit devolution to take place. Such legislation will come into force as soon as possible, once sufficient confidence exists across the community, as expressed in a cross-community vote in the Assembly, proposed by the First Minister and Deputy First Minister. The British Government will work to promote the necessary confidence to allow such a vote to take place within two years. Conclusion 9 . All this represents major progress towards our goal of securing peace and political stability in Northern Ireland. There is a great deal of work to do in implementing the various commitments referred to here. The Governments expect that all the parties involved will carry out their commitments in this agreement in good faith and will make every effort to build the confidence and trust necessary for a stable and lasting accommodation. In addition to the verification mechanisms outlined above, both Governments will keep implementation of the agreement under close scrutiny with a view to ensuring that each and all of the commitments are fully implemented and that any default is identified and challenged. The Governments are determined that default by any one of the parties to this agreement would not be allowed to hinder the progress made by others in good faith.
ANNEX A TIMETABLE The Agreement would unfold as follows: Tuesday 7 December by 18:00 DUP and Sinn Fein confirm their agreement to the Governments. IICD confirms to Governments that it can proceed on the basis of Annex D. Wednesday 8 December 09:00 Joint Government Statement issued. 10:00 IRA Statement released (Attached C). 11:00 IICD Statement released (Attached D). 12:00 DUP Statement (Attached E). 13:00 Sinn Fein Statement on policing released (Attached F). 14:30 Prime Ministers hold press conference in Belfast. December * British Government announces legislative changes * Emergency legislation to enable a Shadow Assembly * IICD announces commencement of decommissioning process * Secretary of State for Northern Ireland convenes meeting of all MLAs * Secretary of State engages in consultations with parties and announces arrangements for an infrastructure investment seminar involving parties to be represented in the Executive * Parties indicate who their candidates for FM/DFM will be * Secretary of State further consults with parties and announces arrangements for an independently facilitated forum on a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland including details of independent facilitator * IICD report confirms 100% (end-month) of IRA arms decommissioned * IMC Interim Report January * Shadow Assembly established * Secretary of State for Northern Ireland arranges meetings with prospective First Minister and Deputy First Minister * Establishment of shadow Assembly committees to consider modalities for devolution of Criminal Justice and Policing and preparations for government (including the draft Ministerial Code, draft Programme for Government and other preparatory issues needing discussion). * Enactment of necessary legislation on Strands 1-3 February * IMC report * British Government lifts suspension * Agreement reached on modalities for devolution of Criminal Justice and Policing March * FM/DFM and Executive confirmed by the Assembly * Plenary meeting of NSMC Early Summer * Plenary meeting of BIC * British Government introduces legislation giving effect to devolution of criminal justice and policing. Legislation to come into effect once sufficient confidence has been established, as expressed in a cross-community vote in the Assembly, proposed by First and Deputy First Minister.
ANNEX B Proposals by the British Government for changes in Strand One institutions following the review Introduction 1 . Enhancing collectivity and accountability. There has been general agreement that underpinning collectivity and accountability is important. Key features of existing arrangements are: * The Executive must agree a draft Programme for Government and Budget, which must be approved by the Assembly on a crosscommunity vote. * In most cases legislative proposals that require Assembly approval derive from Ministerial decisions. Where a Petition of Concern is invoked in respect of such legislation, the Assembly's decision must be on the basis of a cross-community vote; * The Pledge of Office requires Ministers to act in accordance with Executive and Assembly decisions. In the case of the NSMC and BIC, this is an explicit statutory duty, as is the report to the Assembly which Ministers must make after such meetings; * The current ministerial code requires Ministers to bring to the Executive for consideration and agreement certain matters (including those cutting across ministerial responsibilities, requiring agreement on prioritisation or adoption of a common position, or having implications for the Programme for Government); * Committees of the Assembly have a right to summon and question Ministers on any aspect of their responsibilities. * It was also the practice in the former Executive that Ministers brought for consideration there all proposals for public consultation on significant issues, primary and secondary legislation, significant policy proposals and announcements and decisions which were likely to be controversial. Ministers also circulated all papers which it was proposed to table at NSMC/BIC meetings in advance to other Ministers to enable any matter of concern to be brought to an Executive meeting for consideration. Proposals 2 . The following are proposals by the British Government, in the light of consideration in the review of Strand One issues. 3 . A statutory ministerial Code . An amendment to the Northern Ireland Act 1998 would require there to be a ministerial Code, and place a duty upon Ministers (including junior Ministers), notwithstanding their executive authority in their areas of responsibility as defined in the Agreement, to act in accordance with the provisions on ministerial accountability of the Code. The Code would reflect a requirement for safeguards to ensure that all sections of the community could participate and work together successfully in the operation of these institutions and that all sections of the community were protected. There would be arrangements to ensure that, where a decision of the Executive could not be achieved by consensus and a vote was required, any three members of the Executive could require it to be taken on a crosscommunity basis. 4 . The 1998 Act would be amended to require inclusion in the Code of agreed provisions in relation to ministerial accountability. Consistent with paragraphs 19 and 20 of the Agreement, this would provide for the Executive to be the forum for: (i) the discussion of, and agreement on, issues which cut across the responsibilities of two or more Ministers, including in particular those that are the responsibility of the Minister of Finance and Personnel. (ii) prioritising executive proposals; (iii) prioritising legislative proposals; (iv) recommending a common position where necessary - for instance, on matters which concern the response of the Northern Ireland administration to external relationships; (v) agreement each year on (and review as necessary of) a programme incorporating an agreed budget linked to policies and programmes (Programme for Government); (vi) discussion of and agreement on any issue which is significant or controversial and is clearly outside the scope of the agreed Programme for Government or which the First Minister and Deputy First Minister agree should be brought to the Executive. 5 . The new Code would be discussed by the parties and agreed by the Executive when formed. The First Minister and Deputy First Minister would propose the Code to the Assembly. It would have effect once endorsed by cross-community support there. Any amendments to the Code would require cross-community support in the Assembly. 6 . Assembly referrals for Executive review . An amendment to the 1998 Act would provide for referrals from the Assembly to the Executive of important ministerial decisions. Thirty members of the Assembly might initiate such a referral, within seven days of a ministerial decision or notification of the decision where appropriate. Before he could pass the referral to the Executive, the Presiding Officer, following consultation with the parties in the Assembly, would be required to certify that it concerned an issue of public importance. The Executive would consider the issue within seven days. A second referral could not be made by the Assembly in respect of the same matter. Only matters covered by the Ministerial Code, as set out above, would require a collective decision by the Executive. 7 . Reflecting the Pledge of Office . The 1998 Act would be amended to require a Minister to act in accordance with any relevant decisions of the Executive and/or Assembly. 8 . Amendments to the Pledge of Office . The 1998 Act would be amended to include a requirement in the Pledge of Office that Ministers would participate fully in the Executive and NSMC/BIC, and would observe the joint nature of the office of First Minister and Deputy First Minister. 9. Assembly approval of Ministers in the Executive. An amendment would be made to the 1998 Act on appointment of Ministers in the Executive. The Nominating Officer of the largest party in the largest designation in the Assembly would first make a nomination to the Assembly Presiding Officer for the post of First Minister. The Nominating Officer of the largest party in the second largest designation in the Assembly would similarly nominate for the post of Deputy First Minister. The d'Hondt procedure would then run, as already set out in the 1998 Act, to fill the Ministerial posts in the Executive. The Presiding Officer would put to the Assembly an Executive Declaration listing the entire resulting Executive (FM, DFM and Ministers). The Executive Declaration would require approval by the 50:50:50 criterion. In order to uphold the right of every party, so entitled by its electoral strength, to nominate an MLA of its choice for ministerial office, only one Executive Declaration could be tabled by the Presiding Officer. If approval was not achieved within six weeks from the date on which the Assembly first met, there would, as under the present procedures, be a new Assembly election. No minister would be allowed to remain in the Executive if he or she had not voted in favour of the Executive Declaration, and if the nominating officer of his or her party did not nominate another MLA who had done so, d'Hondt would be re-run excluding that party. Where a vacancy arose later in the office of the FM or DFM, the nominating officers of the parties entitled to nominate as above for the two offices would do so, following which the Presiding Officer would put to the Assembly a partial Executive Declaration, for approval by the 50:50:50 criterion. Where a vacancy arose in another ministerial office, it would be filled as at present. It will be a matter for the standing Institutional Review Committee referred to in paragraph 12 to consider whether the new procedures should continue beyond the life of the present Assembly. 10 . Functions of Office of First Minister and Deputy First Minister . The First Minister and Deputy First Minister would reach agreement as to whether any functions of the current OFMDFM should be transferred to other departments, and would put proposals to the Executive and Assembly accordingly. 11 . Committee of the Centre . An amendment to the 1998 Act would provide for the existing Assembly Committee of the Centre to be placed on a statutory footing like that of other departmental scrutiny committees. 12 . Reviews. * An amendment to the 1998 Act would provide for the Assembly to appoint a standing Institutional Review Committee, to examine the operational aspects of the Strand One institutions. Matters to be reviewed in this way would be agreed among the parties. The Committee's reports would be considered by the Executive and Assembly, and, where agreed changes required legislative steps outside the scope of the devolved institutions, by the British Government in consultation as appropriate with the Irish Government. * The First Minister and Deputy First Minister would appoint an Efficiency Review Panel, to examine efficiency and value for money of aspects of the Strand One institutions. The FM/DFM would put to the Assembly for approval proposals for the panel's remit, which might include the size of the Assembly and the departmental structure. The Panel would take into account as appropriate the work of the Review of Public Administration. The Panel's report would be considered by the Executive and Assembly, and, where agreed changes required legislative steps outside the scope of the devolved institutions, by the British Government in consultation as appropriate with the Irish Government. 13 . Repeal of the Northern Ireland Act 2000 . In accordance with the Government's earlier commitments in the context of acts of completion, it would propose to Parliament the repeal of the 2000 Act, which provides for suspension. 14 . Community designation . An amendment to the 1998 Act would provide that an Assembly Member would not be able to change community designation for the whole of an Assembly term from that expressed at the time of nomination for election, except in the case of a change of membership of political party. Proposals by the British and Irish Governments for changes in Strands Two and Three institutions following the review The following are proposals by the British and Irish Governments, following consideration in the review of Strands Two and Three issues. 1 . Executive role in preparation for NSMC and BIC meetings. The amendment to the Northern Ireland Act 1998 on a ministerial Code, described in the British Government's Strand One proposals, would bear on Executive proceedings relating to the North-South Ministerial Council and British-Irish Council. 2. The Code would provide that draft NSMC and BIC decision papers would be circulated to all Executive members within a period (to be decided by the Executive) in advance of a scheduled NSMC or BIC meeting. Any member of the Executive would have the right to seek an Executive discussion on such a paper. Notwithstanding the lead Minister's executive authority in his/her area of responsibility as defined in the Agreement, where the Code provided that certain matters should be considered/agreed in the Executive Committee (see paragraphs 3 to 5 of the British Government's Strand One proposals), this would apply to any draft NSMC/BIC decision papers falling within those agreed provisions. 3 . Attendance at NSMC and BIC. Amendments to the 1998 Act would provide for a minister with lead departmental interest in an issue under consideration at an NSMC/BIC meeting to be entitled to attend (with a power for a minister so entitled, by consent, to arrange for another minister attending to discharge his/her responsibilities), and a power for the FM/DFM to adjudicate where a Minister's lead departmental interest was disputed. There would also be a statutory obligation on FM/DFM to nominate for attendance at NSMC/BIC a replacement for a lead Minister if that Minister was not proposing to attend the meeting in question, and had not arranged for a replacement Minister to discharge his/her responsibilities. There would be a statutory power for the FM/DFM to require such relevant information from the lead department as would be necessary for the NSMC/BIC meeting in question. Finally, reflecting the existing requirement for representation of the Executive on a cross-community basis at meetings of the NSMC/BIC, there would be a statutory obligation on the FM/DFM to nominate the other Minister whose presence is necessary to fulfil that requirement. 4 . NSMC/BIC agendas. The relevant legislation would be amended as necessary to make clear that where a matter on the agenda for a meeting of the NSMC or BIC was one outside the responsibilities of a Minister due to attend, because it was outside his or her departmental responsibilities and not covered by a transfer of authority from another Minister, it would be subject to a decision of the Assembly. 5 . Review. The Northern Ireland Executive and Irish Government, under the auspices of the NSMC, would appoint a Review Group to examine objectively (1) the efficiency and value for money of existing implementation bodies and (2) the case for additional bodies and areas of co-operation within the NSMC where mutual benefit would be derived. The Group would also input into the work commissioned by the NSMC in June 2002 on the identification of a suitable substitute for the proposed Lights Agency of the Foyle, Carlingford and Irish Lights Commission. The Group would report with recommendations to the NSMC. Any changes to the existing arrangements would require the specific endorsement of the Assembly and Oireachtas. In the meantime, the NSMC would continue to oversee the ongoing work of the Implementation Bodies and work in the areas of co-operation. 6 . Assembly/Oireachtas scrutiny of implementation bodies. Chairs and Chief Executives of North/South bodies, when called upon and at least yearly, would appear before relevant Assembly Committees. There is provision in the South for similar arrangements in relation to the Oireachtas. 7 . North-South Parliamentary Forum. The Northern Ireland Executive would encourage the parties in the Assembly to establish a North-South parliamentary forum bringing together equal numbers from the Oireachtas and the Assembly, and operating on an inclusive basis. 8 . Independent Consultative Forum. The Northern Ireland Executive would support the establishment of an independent North/South consultative forum appointed by the two Administrations and representative of civil society. 9 . Secretariat of British-Irish Council. Following consultation with its other members, and with a view to giving further impetus to its work, the two Governments would facilitate the establishment of a standing secretariat for the British-Irish Council, if members agree. 10 . East-West Interparliamentary Framework. Following appropriate consultation with the British-Irish Interparliamentary Body, the two Governments would encourage the Oireachtas, the British Parliament and the relevant elected institutions to approve an East-West Interparliamentary Framework which would embrace all their interests. The framework would operate on an inclusive basis.
ANNEX C STATEMENT 1 . Against the background of the ongoing and protracted IRA cessations, the leadership of Oglaigh na hEireann has periodically asserted the view that the political responsibility for advancing the political situation rests with the two Governments, especially the British Government and the political parties. 2 . A comprehensive agreement between the two Governments and the political parties to achieve a just and lasting peace has been secured. We welcome that. 3 . The full and speedy implementation of the comprehensive agreement now achieved, as all sides, including the two Governments, are now pledged to do, will, by removing the causes of conflict, allow Unionists and Republicans to pursue our political objectives peacefully and as equals. The future of the people of this island must be one in which the rights, identity, culture and contribution of everyone including Unionists is fully respected. 4 . The IRA leadership is determined to support this comprehensive agreement. The all-Ireland nature and implementation on an enduring basis of this agreement by the democratically elected representatives of the Irish people enables us all to take political objectives forward by peaceful and democratic means. This creates the conditions for the IRA to move into a new mode that reflects its determination to see the transition to a totally peaceful society brought to a successful conclusion. Consistent with this and recognising the need to uphold and not to endanger anyone's personal rights and safety, all IRA volunteers have been given specific instructions not to engage in any activity which might thereby endanger the new agreement. 5 . We have also made it clear that the IRA leadership will, in this new context, conclude the process to completely and verifiably put all its arms beyond use. Accordingly the IRA leadership has agreed with the IICD to complete this process in a way which further enhances public confidence and to conclude this by the end of December.
ANNEX D Elements for an IICD Statement 1 . We have had further meetings with the IRA representative and have agreed arrangements which will see all IRA arms put beyond use by the end of December 2004. We have had up-to-date assessments from British and Irish security sources of IRA arms holdings to assist us in that regard. 2 . It is our intention to issue further reports in relation to IRA arms: a statement on the commencement of the decommissioning process and a final report at the end of December, when the process of putting IRA arms beyond use is complete. The significance of such an agreement will be unparalleled. 3 . The Commission has pursued the agreed remit given to us in strict adherence to the legislative terms which govern our existence and activities. The independence and integrity of the IICD are central and indispensable elements of the decommissioning process. We continue to believe that a report by the IICD marking the successful completion of our task in respect of IRA arms is the most effective way to enhancing public confidence. 4 . We are aware, however, that some have argued that more is required in respect of the transparency of the decommissioning process. On the basis of our recent contacts with the IRA representative, we are satisfied that this will form part of our two further reports. The IRA representative has indicated that, in response to our request to agree mechanisms which would enhance public confidence in the decommissioning process, additional arrangements will be put in place. These will include the presence as observers during the process of two clergymen nominated by the two Governments following appropriate consultation. These witnesses will be able to make public statements to the following effect on publication of the final IICD Report in December: (a) that they themselves have attended each decommissioning event that has taken place since their appointment as independent witnesses; (b) that the inventory compiled by the IICD is a true reflection of what was decommissioned. 5 . In addition, the IRA representative has told us that the IRA will have photographs of the weapons and materiel involved taken by the IICD, in the presence of the independent observers. These photographs will be shown by the IICD to the two Governments and the parties at the time of the final report on IRA decommissioning and will be published at the time the Executive is established. 6 . We now look forward to progress in decommissioning the weapons held by other groups.
ANNEX E DUP Statement: 1. We welcome the new agreement and we believe that it significantly benefits the whole community and we commend it, if implemented faithfully and fully, to all those who support us and all others who want a peaceful and democratic solution within the United Kingdom to our ageold conflict. 2. During the Assembly election campaign we published policy papers and in our manifesto we set out seven Principles and seven Tests which would govern our negotiating stance. We outlined the nature of an agreement we could accept and which we believed the unionist community could support. We furthermore chose to set the agreement in a context that would ensure it was fair to all. We believe our position in the talks and the outcome of the negotiations has been completely consistent with these mandated policies, principles and tests. 3. The outworking of this new agreement has the capacity to transform our society. The settlement, if fulfilled in its entirety, can deal definitively and conclusively with the issues of IRA weapons and all its paramilitary and other illegal activity. It will be in this setting that the DUP will engage with and work, in an inclusive executive. 4. Following confirmation in reports from the IMC and the IICD, that IRA paramilitary activity of all kinds has ended we will operate and participate, in all the new arrangements. This is consistent with our mandate. In this context we intend to work together in constructive partnership with all parties in the Assembly, for the benefit of the whole community in Northern Ireland. 5. We urge paramilitary groups within the unionist community, in the light of moves by the Provisional IRA, to engage positively with the IICD to remove all illegal weapons from our society and end all paramilitary and criminal activity. 6. The DUP is a devolutionist party and wants to see policing and justice powers devolved just as soon as conditions permit. These matters affect the lives and liberties of all our citizens and must be handled with great sensitivity. There is a recognition that policing and justice functions should be devolved just as soon as the community confidence exists. We will dedicate ourselves to reach agreement on how such powers could be exercised. We will join with the other parties in intensive discussions on the devolution of criminal justice and policing in a committee of the Shadow Assembly immediately after the IICD confirms the completion of IRA decommissioning, with a view to agreement on modalities, if at all possible, by the time the Executive is established. Following the passage of the necessary legislation at Westminster we will use our best efforts to contribute towards building the community confidence which would be necessary to allow the Assembly to receive the new powers within the timescale envisaged by the British Government. This necessary confidence will be expressed through a cross-community vote in the Assembly, proposed by the First Minister and Deputy First Minister. 7. We judge that the key to success is the stability, accountability, effectiveness and efficiency of the structures and institutions. All these matters have been taken into account in the new agreement we have reached. 8. The DUP see it as imperative that the repeated suspensions that dogged the life of the Belfast Agreement and its institutions are a thing of the past and we are looking towards the uninterrupted operation of stable democratic structures. This new agreement depends on all parties honouring each and every obligation - we will meet our commitments in each Strand and in every other respect, and, to succeed, others must meet their obligations. 9. This community has been deeply divided and has suffered much in social and economic terms from the prolonged conflict. There is much to be done to create a society in which there is respect for the rights and equality of all our citizens and in which mutual trust can grow. There is a need to build a calm regard for our distinct and sometimes conflicting cultural traditions and to respect the diversity of our people. 10. Inter-community conflict still exists and people are being displaced from, and attacked in, their homes and districts, particularly along the boundaries of the interface areas. We want to see action taken to tackle all sectarianism, racism and intolerance and seek agreement on a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland. We trust other parties will join us in this endeavour. 11. We will work with the government and with others to prepare a financial package which can assist in the revitalisation of Northern Ireland's infrastructure and employment opportunities. Such a package should include a fund which has an emphasis on the needs of areas of social deprivation and disadvantage from both sections of our community. 12. In looking to the future we are mindful of the innocent victims who have suffered and those who have lost loved ones in the years we have passed through. Future generations must never forget the fallen nor the victims still among us nor fail to honour the debt we owe for their sacrifices. 13. The difference between the success and failure of this far-reaching settlement will lie in the enthusiasm, earnestness and capacity of all the participants to comprehensively deliver that which they have agreed.
ANNEX F Sinn Fein Statement on policing: "I will propose to the SF Ard Chomhairle that it calls a special Ard Fheis to decide on Sinn Fein's support for new policing arrangements in the context of:
The unresolved issue of policing was a central focus for Sinn Fein in our recent discussions with the two Governments. For nationalists and republicans the experience of policing within the north has been historically negative. This is a huge challenge which can only be achieved in the context of fundamental change sustained by effective democratic mechanisms. As a result of our discussions we now have a commitment from the British government and the DUP to the transfer of powers on policing and justice to the Assembly as soon as possible, a DUP commitment to a speedy, time framed discussion on the departmental model and the powers to be transferred with a view to agreement by the time the Executive is established, and a commitment from the British Government that it will enact in 2005 the necessary legislation to enable the transfer of policing and justice powers away from London. In light of these critically important developments I now intend to call together an Ard Chomhairle meeting and to recommend to it that we convene a special Ard Fheis to decide on the issue of policing as soon as the legislation is enacted."
Gerry Adams responds to British and Irish governments' Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP speaking at a press conference in Belfast this evening said that the two governments' proposed deal was a good deal which reflects accurately the fundamentals of the Good Friday Agreement. He said that the only obstacle remaining is the DUP's unrealisable demand for the humiliation of Irish republicans. Mr. Adams said: "Firstly, let me begin by repeating Sinn Féin's response to the comprehensive agreement as presented to us by the governments. This is a good deal which reflects accurately the fundamentals of the Good Friday Agreement, including its power-sharing, all-Ireland and equality provisions. We have, in addition, made progress across a range of other important issues. "In relation to the issues which the IRA is responsible for, we made it clear throughout the recent discussions that these were a matter for the IRA. However, I am confident that in the context of a comprehensive agreement that the IRA leadership will resolve these issues. This is a huge contribution which should liberate the entire process. All of the issues of substance have been resolved. "I have listened to the remarks of the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister this afternoon. I believe that their comments have caused some confusion. Let me clarify them. "The issue of photographs was first raised in the week before Leeds Castle. We were told by the two governments that this was a DUP demand. We told the two governments that in our view this was not achievable. "We were shocked on November 17th when this demand appeared in their joint proposals. We made it clear from the beginning that this was not a runner. "The only obstacle which we face is the DUP's unrealisable demand for the humiliation of Irish republicans. "I welcome the assertion from Tony Blair that the DUP has agreed to this package, although I have not heard him saying this publicly. "No one should be in any doubt that a mighty piece of work has been done. We must not lose this.”
Exclusive IRA statement An Phoblacht today prints in full a statement from the leadership of Óglaigh na hÉireann. It is clear from this statement that the IRA was prepared to move in an unprecedented way to liberate the peace process and in a way that deals with the genuine concerns of all reasonable people. It would be unthinkable that this offer would be rejected or lost because of the impossible demands being made by a unionist leadership locked into the failed psychology of the past. The London and Dublin governments have a big choice to make. Do they face up to the challenge of pressing ahead with the peace process or do they join Ian Paisley in his demand for a process of humiliation? Full text of IRA Statement "More than ten years ago, an IRA cessation publicly heralded the onset of the Irish peace process. Since then, the IRA has, time and again, demonstrated its commitment to sustaining and developing that process through a series of very significant and substantive initiatives. In the context of the work to conclude a comprehensive agreement, the leadership of Óglaigh na hÉireann decided: - to support a comprehensive agreement by moving into a new mode which reflects our determination to see the transition to a totally peaceful society; - all IRA Volunteers be given specific instructions not to engage in any activity which might thereby endanger that new agreement; - the IRA leadership also decided that we will, in this context, conclude the process to completely and verifiably put all our arms beyond use; - we instructed our representative to agree with the IICD the completion of this process, speedily, and if possible by the end of December; - to further enhance public confidence we agreed to the presence of two clergymen as observers during this process. The IRA leadership decided to contribute in this way to a comprehensive agreement to resolve all outstanding issues, including those of concern within unionism. For his part, Ian Paisley demanded that our contribution be photographed, and reduced to an act of humiliation. This was never possible. Knowing this, he made this demand publicly as the excuse for his rejection of an overall agreement to create a political context with the potential to remove the causes of conflict. As the IRA leadership has said before, this is a context in which Irish republicans and unionists can, as equals, pursue our respective political objectives peacefully. We restate our commitment to the peace process. But we will not submit to a process of humiliation. We commend our Volunteers and the wider republican base for their patience and discipline in these testing times. Our commitment, like theirs, to our republican objectives is undiminished. We thank those who have made genuine contributions to the efforts to find solutions to ongoing problems. While acknowledging these efforts, we reiterate our view that progress cannot be made by pandering to the demands of those who are against change. The search for a just and lasting peace is a challenging one. The IRA leadership has risen to that challenge. The British Government and the leaders of unionism must do likewise." P O'Neill Irish Republican Publicity Bureau
IRA offer withdrawn IRA Statement: In August 1994, the leadership of Óglaigh na hÉireann announced a complete cessation of all military operations. We did so to enhance the democratic peace process and underline our definitive commitment to its success. That cessation ended in February 1996 because the British Government acted in bad faith when the then British Prime Minister John Major and Unionist leaders squandered that unprecedented opportunity to resolve the conflict. However, we remained ready to engage positively and in July 1997 we reinstated the cessation on the same basis as before. Subsequently, we honoured the terms of our cessation with discipline and honesty, despite numerous attempts to misrepresent those terms by others. Since then - over a period of almost eight years - our leadership took a succession of significant and ambitious initiatives designed to develop or save the peace process. Those included: • Engaging with the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning; • Agreeing that independent inspectors could inspect the contents of a number of IRA dumps, allowing regular re-inspections to ensure that the weapons remained secure and the reporting of what they had done both publicly and to the IICD; • Setting out a clear context for dealing definitively with the issue of arms; • Acknowledging past mistakes, hurt and pain the IRA has caused to others and extending our sincere apologies and condolences for the deaths and injuries of non-combatants caused by us; • Agreeing a scheme with the IICD to put arms completely and verifiably beyond use; • Implementing this scheme to save the peace process by putting three separate tranches of weapons beyond use on: - 23 October 2001 - 11 April 2002 - 21 October 2003; and • Seeking to directly and publicly address unionist concerns. In 2004 our leadership was prepared to speedily resolve the issue of arms, by Christmas if possible, and to invite two independent witnesses, from the Protestant and Catholic churches, to testify to this. In the context of a comprehensive agreement we were also prepared to move into a new mode and to instruct our Volunteers that there could be no involvement whatsoever in activities which might endanger that agreement. These significant and substantive initiatives were our contributions to the peace process. Others, however, did not share that agenda. Instead, they demanded the humiliation of the IRA. Our initiatives have been attacked, devalued and dismissed by pro-unionist and anti-republican elements, including the British Government. The Irish Government have lent themselves to this. Commitments have been broken or withdrawn. The progress and change promised on political, social, economic and cultural matters, as well as on demilitarisation, prisoners, equality and policing and justice, has not materialised to the extent required, or promised. British forces, including the PSNI, remain actively engaged in both covert and overt operations, including raids on republicans' homes. We are also acutely aware of the dangerous instability within militant unionism, much of it fostered by British military intelligence agencies. The British/loyalist apparatus for collusion remains intact. The political institutions have been suspended for years now and there is an ongoing political impasse. At this time it appears that the two governments are intent on changing the basis of the peace process. They claim that 'the obstacle now to a lasting and durable settlement... is the continuing paramilitary and criminal activity of the IRA'. We reject this. It also belies the fact that a possible agreement last December was squandered by both governments pandering to rejectionist unionism instead of upholding their own commitments and honouring their own obligations. We do not intend to remain quiescent within this unacceptable and unstable situation. It has tried our patience to the limit. Consequently, on reassessment of our position and in response to the governments and others withdrawing their commitments; • We are taking all our proposals off the table. • It is our intention to closely monitor ongoing developments and to protect to the best of our ability the rights of republicans and our support base. The IRA has demonstrated our commitment to the peace process again and again. We want it to succeed. We have played a key role in achieving the progress achieved so far. We are prepared, as part of a genuine and collective effort, to do so again, if and when the conditions are created for this. But peace cannot be built on ultimatums, false and malicious accusations or bad faith. Progress will not be sustained by the reinstatment of Thatcherite criminalisation strategies, which our ten comrades died defeating on hunger strike in 1981. We will not betray the courage of the hunger strikers either by tolerating criminality within our own ranks or false allegations of criminality against our organisation by petty politicians motivated by selfish interests, instead of the national need for a successful conclusion to the peace process. Finally, we thank all those who have supported us through decades of struggle. We freely acknowledge our responsibility to enhance genuine efforts to build peace and justice. We reiterate our commitment to achieving Irish independence and our other republican objectives. We are determined that these objectives will be secured. P O'Neill Irish Republican Publicity Bureau
Gerry Adams responds to IRA statement In an initial response to tonight's IRA statement, Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP said: "The IRA statement is obviously a direct consequence of the retrograde stance of the two governments. "It is evidence of a deepening crisis and I regret that very much. "The two governments have opted for confrontation. They are engaging in the sterile politics of the blame game without any regard for the consequences. "This negative approach has effectively scuttled the enormous work done in persuading the IRA to undertake the unprecedented initiatives which they publicly outlined in December. "All of this good work has now been undermined."
IRA warns "Do not underestimate the seriousness of the situation." The IRA has warned the British and Irish governments not to underestimate the seriousness of the current state of the peace process. The statement was issued to RTÉ by telephone shortly before 6pm this evening. The IRA statement said: "The two governments are trying to play down the importance of our statement because they are making a mess of the peace process. "Do not underestimate the seriousness of the situation."
An address to the IRA The following is the text of a speech by Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams in Belfast this afternoon.
IRA to respond in due course The IRA said today it was giving "due consideration" to Gerry Adams's appeal to it to fully embrace politics and abandon the armed struggle.
IRA internal discussions underway Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP tonight revealed that he has received confirmation from the IRA leadership that a discussion on his April 6th initiative that it should now pursue republican objectives exclusively through political means has been authorised.
Historic Statement by the IRA The following is the full text of today's historic statement by the IRA: "The leadership of Oglaigh na hÉireann has formally ordered an end to the armed campaign. This will take effect from 4pm this afternoon. All IRA units have been ordered to dump arms. All Volunteers have been instructed to assist the development of purely political and democratic programmes through exclusively peaceful means. Volunteers must not engage in any other activities whatsoever. The IRA leadership has also authorised our representative to engage with the IICD to complete the process to verifiably put its arms beyond use in a way which will further enhance public confidence and to conclude this as quickly as possible. We have invited two independent witnesses, from the Protestant and Catholic churches, to testify to this. The Army Council took these decisions following an unprecedented internal discussion and consultation process with IRA units and Volunteers. We appreciate the honest and forthright way in which the consultation process was carried out and the depth and content of the submissions. We are proud of the comradely way in which this truly historic discussion was conducted. The outcome of our consultations show very strong support among IRA Volunteers for the Sinn Féin peace strategy. There is also widespread concern about the failure of the two governments and the unionists to fully engage in the peace process. This has created real difficulties. The overwhelming majority of people in Ireland fully support this process. They and friends of Irish unity throughout the world want to see the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. Notwithstanding these difficulties our decisions have been taken to advance our republican and democratic objectives, including our goal of a united Ireland. We believe there is now an alternative way to achieve this and to end British rule in our country. It is the responsibility of all Volunteers to show leadership, determination and courage. We are very mindful of the sacrifices of our patriot dead, those who went to jail, Volunteers, their families and the wider republican base. We reiterate our view that the armed struggle was entirely legitimate. We are conscious that many people suffered in the conflict. There is a compelling imperative on all sides to build a just and lasting peace. The issue of the defence of nationalist and republican communities has been raised with us. There is a responsibility on society to ensure that there is no re-occurrence of the pogroms of 1969 and the early 1970s. There is also a universal responsibility to tackle sectarianism in all its forms. The IRA is fully committed to the goals of Irish unity and independence and to building the Republic outlined in the 1916 Proclamation. We call for maximum unity and effort by Irish republicans everywhere. We are confident that by working together Irish republicans can achieve our objectives. Every Volunteer is aware of the import of the decisions we have taken and all Oglaigh are compelled to fully comply with these orders. There is now an unprecedented opportunity to utilise the considerable energy and goodwill which there is for the peace process. This comprehensive series of unparalleled initiatives is our contribution to this and to the continued endeavours to bring about independence and unity for the people of Ireland. The IRA is fully committed to the goals of Irish unity and independence and to building the Republic outlined in the 1916 Proclamation. Our decisions have been taken to advance our republican and democratic objectives, including our goal of a united Ireland. We believe there is now an alternative way to achieve this and to end British rule in our country.
Seize the Moment By Gerry Adams MP On April 6th I made a direct appeal to the men and women volunteers of the IRA. This appeal was based on my belief that there now exists, for the first time in the history of our struggle, the opportunity to achieve republican objectives through purely peaceful and democratic methods. Today’s decision by the IRA to move into a new peaceful mode is historic and represents a courageous and confident initiative. It is a truly momentous and defining point in the search for a lasting peace with justice. I commend the commitment of those who have taken this decision and I appeal for unity and solidarity among all Irish republicans on the island of Ireland and beyond and for the struggle to be carried forward with new energy and enthusiasm. The IRA decision presents an unparalleled challenge and opportunity for every nationalist and republican. There is an enormous responsibility on us to seize this moment and to make Irish freedom a reality. I would urge all Irish nationalists and republicans, including those who have shown such commitment as volunteers of the IRA to put their undoubted talents and energy into building a new Ireland. Today’s IRA initiative also presents challenges for others. In my April appeal I made the point that commitments, including commitments from the two governments were reneged on in the past. History will not be kind to any government which plays politics with today’s developments. There is now no possible excuse for the British and Irish governments to not fully and faithfully implement the Good Friday Agreement. In particular this means an end to pandering to those unionists who are rejectionist. It means the British government must urgently address the demilitarisation, equality and human rights agendas. It means the Irish government actively promoting the rights and entitlements of all of its citizens, including those in the north. It means the Irish government actively promoting Irish unity. It means that unionists who are for the Good Friday Agreement must end their ambivalence. And it is a direct challenge to the DUP to decide if they want to put the past behind them, and make peace with the rest of the people of this island. Today’s IRA statement can help revive the peace process; it deals with genuine unionist concerns and removes from the leadership of unionism its excuse for non-engagement. Republicans should not be surprised that our opponents will continue to try to defeat us. And in the short-term initiatives by the IRA are unlikely to change the attitude of those who oppose us whether in London or Dublin or within unionism. We can expect this to continue until we succeed in our endeavours. Today’s statement by the IRA is clear evidence of the commitment of republicans to the peace process. Republicans are leading by example. I am very mindful that today will be an emotional one for many republicans. I am particularly conscious of all those who have suffered in the conflict. I want to extend my solidarity to the families of our patriot dead and to commit myself and our leadership to continue our efforts to win Irish freedom. I am also conscious of the many other families, on all sides who have suffered. Let us all do everything we can to ensure that no one else dies as a result of conflict in our country. The road map is clear. Sinn Fein is a party looking forward. We want to see an end to British rule in our country. We want to make partition history. We have a vision of a new future, a better future, and we have the spirit and the confidence to work with others to achieve this. Irish republicans and nationalists are now in a new area of struggle. There is a role for everyone in this new situation. Nation building is too important to leave entirely to politicians. Let us move forward together to re-build the peace process and deliver Irish unity and independence. National liberation struggles can have different phases. There is a time to resist, to stand up and to confront the enemy by arms if necessary. In other words there is a time for war. There is also a time to engage. To reach out. To put war behind us all. There is a time for peace. There is a time for justice. There is a time for rebuilding. This is that time. This is the era of the nation builders.
Are we back to square one? By Seán Mac Conmara DUP party leader Ian Paisley played his ace card when he prevented a breakthrough deal on political progress with his November 2004 demand that the IRA must be forced to wear 'sackcloth and ashes'. A week later he added another demand: photographic evidence of IRA decommissioning. He must have breathed a huge sigh of relief when the IRA refused to be humiliated and the Leeds Castle talks eventually ended without reaching an agreement on the restoration of the power-sharing institutions. Less than ten months later, he is repeating the same old mantra - he must have photographic evidence. Are we back to square one? Not at all. Events over the past few months must be a living nightmare for the DUP. On April 6th they listened as Gerry Adams publicly appealed to the IRA to continue the struggle for a united Ireland through purely political and democratic means. On July 28th they listened to Seánna Walsh read a statement, issued by Óglaigh na hÉireann, formally ordering an end to the armed campaign and ordering all IRA units to dump arms. The DUP was dumbfounded. Coming under unwelcome and increasing pressure from the British, Irish and American governments, Ian Paisley resorted to what he does best when democracy knocks intrusively at his door: implied threats of violence. “This could be the spark that kindles a fire there will be no putting out”, he thundered after the exit route of an Orange Order march was moved all of 125 yards away from nationalist homes. Unionists of all ilk's took Paisley's prophesy on board. On September 10th Belfast erupted in explosions and flames ignited by unionist sectarian defiance of potential equality and democratic advancement. Are we back to square one? Not at all. Events over the past few weeks must be a living nightmare for the DUP. London, Dublin and Washington have surely seen through the attempt by unionist leaders, their paramilitaries and their collaborators in the Orange Order to put a halt to progress towards equality, democratic advancement and the restoration of devolved government. The three governments are clearly well aware that the leaders of unionism carefully conceived, then planned and put into action, a strategy that they believed would place unbearable pressure on the republican movement. That strategy was to bring the IRA back onto the streets on September 10th. And if the IRA's discipline held fast and it did not take to the streets to defend nationalist areas from attack, then the leaders of unionism would sit back and witness the nationalist community turn against the IRA (and therefore the Sinn Féin strategy) for failing to defend them. But the IRA didn't take to the streets - and the nationalist community didn't turn against them. What went wrong with the unionists' strategy? Simple. They under-estimated the will of the nationalist community to achieve progress towards equality, democratic advancement and the restoration of devolved government. So, defiant to the end, Ian Paisley Jnr said in a speech last Thursday: "The government, Dublin and Washington must be left with a clear and certain understanding that unionism is resolved to resist having a government made up of bombers, murderers, gangsters, bank robbers or fugitives", adding: "Lets face up to it; there is no appetite for a devolved government with Sinn Fein", and: "We will live with direct rule". Are we back to square one? Not at all. Events over the past few days must be a living nightmare for the DUP. The IRA statement on decommissioning is imminent. All the talk is positive. Even 26 county Justice Minister Michael McDowell conceded he had seen nothing in the last few months which showed the IRA was not living up to its July 28th statement that the military campaign was over. He was forced to admit: "I have seen nothing in the last two months which would convince me that they are other than intent on delivering on their statement. If you are asking me in the interim do I see any disturbing signs they are being two faced on this issue, the answer is I don't." Are we back to square one? Not at all. The DUP have played their cards and they are now left with two jokers. Father and son. The sooner the DUP shuffle their pack, the sooner all the people in the north will get a fair deal.
Key dates to decommissioning The Independent International Commission on Decommissioning is expected to announce today that the IRA has decommissioned its weapons following the republican organisation’s historic pledge to end its armed struggle. The following is a summary of the key events in the debate over weapons: • August 31, 1994: The IRA announces a “complete cessation of military operations”. • January 26, 1996: Former US senator George Mitchell publishes a report calling for a phasing out of weapons in the North of Ireland and a commitment from all sides entering talks to the principles of non-violence and democracy. • February 9, 1996: The IRA ceasefire ends with a bomb in London’s Docklands that kills two people and causes millions of pounds worth of damage. • July 20, 1997: The IRA reinstates its ceasefire. • April 10, 1998: The Good Friday Agreement is signed. Among the contentious issues covered is the decommissioning of weapons. • November 27, 1999: The Ulster Unionist Council backs proposals to go into a power-sharing government with Sinn Féin on the basis that IRA decommissioning will follow. • December 2, 1999: The power-sharing executive, featuring Martin McGuinness as education minister and Bairbre de Brún as health minister, meets for the first time after 20 months of wrangle and delay. • February 11, 2000: Northern Ireland secretary Peter Mandelson signs an order suspending the Assembly after a dispute over IRA disarmament. • May 30, 2000: Devolution is restored after Ulster Unionist Party leader David Trimble secures his party’s backing to go back into government with Sinn Féin on a pledge from republicans that they will begin a process to completely and verifiably put their weapons beyond use. • July 1, 2001: David Trimble resigns as First Minister over the continuing arms wrangle. • August 6, 2001: General John de Chastelain, head of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning, says the IRA has put forward a disarmament plan. • August 10, 2001: With the timetable for decommissioning still being argued over and unionists refusing to accept the deal as set out in the Good Friday Agreement, secretary of state John Reid suspends devolution for 24 hours, resetting the clock for a deal by six weeks. • September 21, 2001: John Reid announces a second technical suspension, saying it will be the last. • October 23, 2001: The IRA begins a process of disarmament. • April 8, 2002: The IRA announces it has put a second tranche of its arsenal beyond use. • October 14, 2002: John Reid announces the suspension of devolution and the reintroduction of direct rule following allegations of IRA activity at Stormont. • May 1, 2003: Tony Blair announces the postponement of the Assembly elections until the autumn because of a supposed lack of clarity over the IRA’s arms position and willingness to abandon its armed struggle. • October 29, 2003: General John de Chastelain confirms that the IRA has disposed of the largest consignment of weapons so far. Despite this, the rolling out of a peace deal crashes when David Trimble refuses to take part because of a lack of detail about the IRA’s latest act of disarmament. • December 8, 2004: Talks aimed at achieving a deal between Ian Paisley’s Democratic Unionists and Sinn Féin collapse when the IRA refuses to give in to demands that the decommissioning of its entire arsenal should be photographed. • July 28, 2005: The IRA announces it is to end its armed struggle and embrace peaceful politics. All units are ordered to dump arms and assist in the development of a democratic process. • September 25, 2005: It is confirmed that a report on IRA decommissioning will be presented to the British and Irish governments the following day. General John de Chastelain is to make his findings public hours later and confirm whether the IRA has decommissioned its arms.
IRA Statement The following statement was issued by the IRA this afternoon: "The leadership of Oglaigh na h-Eireann announced on July 28th that we had authorised our representative to engage with the IICD to complete the process to verifiably put arms beyond use. "The IRA leadership can now confirm that the process of putting our arms verifiably beyond use has been completed. "P O'Neill"
Report of The Independent International Commission on Decommissioning 1. Over the past number of weeks we have engaged with the IRA representative in the execution of our mandate to decommission paramilitary arms. 2. We can now report that we have observed and verified events to put beyond use very large quantities of arms, which the representative has informed us includes all the arms in the IRA’s possession. We have made an inventory of this material. 3. In 2004 the commission was provided with estimates of the number and quantity of arms held by the IRA. These estimates were produced by the security forces in both jurisdictions and were in agreement. Our inventory is consistent with these estimates and we believe that the arms decommissioned represent the totality of the IRA’s arsenal. 4. The manner in which the arms were decommissioned is in accordance with the remit given us by the two governments as reflected in their Decommissioning Acts of 1997. 5. A Protestant and a Catholic clergyman also witnessed all these recent events: the Reverend Harold Good, former president of the Methodist Church in Ireland; and Father Alex Reid, a Redemptorist priest. 6. The new single inventory of decommissioned IRA arms incorporates the three we made during the preceding IRA events. This lists all the IRA guns we have verified as having been put beyond use. We will retain possession of this inventory until our mandate is complete. 7. We can report, however, that the arms involved in the recent events include a full range of ammunition, rifles, machine guns, mortars, missiles, handguns, explosives, explosive substances and other arms, including all the categories described in the estimates provided by the security forces. 8. In summary, we have determined that the IRA has met its commitment to put all its arms beyond use in a manner called for by the legislation. 9. It remains for us to address the arms of the loyalist paramilitary groups, as well as other paramilitary organisations, when these are prepared to cooperate with us in doing so. Tauno Nieminen, John de Chastelain, Andrew Sens
IRA has completed putting arms beyond use: de Chastelain The head of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning has said that he is satisfied that the IRA has completed putting its arms beyond use. General de Chastelain said the decommissioning body had reported to the Irish and British governments that it had observed and verified events to put beyond use all of the arms in the IRA's possession. He said the arms included ammunition, rifles, machine guns, mortars, missiles, handguns, explosives and explosive substances. He added that the arms also included all the categories in estimates provided by the 'security forces'. He also said it remained for the IICD to address the issue of loyalist arms and he asked everyone with influence to use it to that end. The conference also heard statements from two clergymen who acted as witnesses, Redemptorist priest Alex Reid and Methodist minister, Harold Good. In a statement, the clergymen said: 'We are certain, utterly certain, about the exactitude of this report because we have spent many days watching the painstaking way General de Chastelain went about the task. 'The experience of seeing this with our own eyes on a minute to minute basis provided us with evidence so clear and incontrovertible, it demonstrated to us that beyond any shadow of doubt the arms of the IRA have now been decommissioned. 'In light of this, and to create universal confidence, we wish to ensure everyone and especially those in Northern Ireland that decommissioning is now an accomplished fact. 'This development will become a benchmark for the resolution for political conflicts everywhere; for people of Northern Ireland it will herald the dawn of a new peace,' the clergymen said. The IRA declared an end to its armed campaign on 28 July.
Independent Witnesses' Statement The independent eyewitnesses to the IRA initiative, the Rev Harold Good and Fr Alec Reid, said the following in their joint statement. Fr Alec Reid and I are making this statement on the basis of our role as independent eyewitnesses of the process of IRA decommissioning, which has been carried out by the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning. We found ourselves in this role when a person who is intimately involved in the work for peace came to each of us, individually and separately, to ask if we would be willing to witness the process of IRA decommissioning. We both agreed to do so. It is our understanding, that a series of consultations then took place between those who would be responsible, either directly or indirectly, for the implementation of that process. Some time later, we were informed that we had been accepted for the role of independent eyewitnesses. This role was to be clear and focused. It would involve watching the whole process of decommissioning, minute by minute, from beginning to end. This would enable us to testify to the reality of the decommissioning itself and to verify the truth of the report of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning. Here, we would like to say that we were not appointed by the IRA to do this work. We would wish to emphasise that our role as eyewitnesses is a completely independent one. Throughout this process, we have taken our own counsel and made our own decisions about everything we have done and will say. We now wish to verify the truth of the statement on IRA decommissioning which has been given by Gen John de Chastelain in the name and with the authority of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning. We are certain about the exactitude of this report because we spent many days watching the meticulous and painstaking way in which Gen de Chastelain, Brig Gen Tauno Nieminen and Ambassador Andrew Sens went about the task of decommissioning the huge amounts of explosives, arms and ammunition that they have just described in their statement. The experience of seeing this with our own eyes, on a minute-to-minute basis, provided us with evidence so clear and of its nature so incontrovertible that, at the end of the process, it demonstrated to us, and would have demonstrated to anyone who might have been with us, that beyond any shadow of doubt, the arms of the IRA have now been decommissioned. In light of this, and in order to create universal confidence, we wish to assure everyone, but especially those in Northern Ireland who may yet have misgivings, that the decommissioning of the arms of the IRA is now an accomplished fact. We also wish to assure the British and Irish governments that, in so far as they relate to the decommissioning of the arms of the IRA, the objectives of their Decommissioning Acts have now been achieved. We hope that this development will become a benchmark for the peaceful resolution of political conflicts everywhere and that, for the people of Northern Ireland, it will herald the dawn of a new era of peace.
Joint Statement by Taoiseach and British Prime Minister The two Governments have today received a report from the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD). The report states that the IICD has overseen a further and final major programme of arms decommissioning by the IRA. It is the IICD's assessment, based on the information available to it and the two Governments, that the IRA has now placed all of its arms completely and verifiably beyond use. We warmly welcome this landmark development. Having sought to achieve this outcome for so many years, its significance now needs to be acknowledged and recognised. It is the clearest signal ever that the IRA's armed campaign is over. We also welcome the presence of clergymen from the Protestant and Catholic communities as independent witnesses to the decommissioning process. Their presence should enhance public confidence. Although the completion of IRA decommissioning removes a dangerous threat and offers a welcome and important opportunity for progress, we are today most of all conscious of the victims of the IRA's protracted campaign and their families. They remain central to our thoughts and prayers. The tragic and unnecessary loss of life and terrible injuries suffered over an extended period can never be forgotten. In our joint statement of 28 July, we said that the IRA's words must be borne out by actions. Today's IICD report represents a major step forward in this regard. We look forward to the reports, scheduled for October and January, of the Independent Monitoring Commission, which will address the question of paramilitary and criminal activity. We strongly believe that the interests of everyone in Northern Ireland and throughout these islands are best served by the earliest practicable restoration of the devolved institutions of the Good Friday Agreement. We recognise that trust and confidence will take time to rebuild but we hope that today's developments will provide a vital stimulus. For their part the Governments will do everything we can to facilitate progress. The completion of IRA decommissioning makes it all the more urgent that loyalist paramilitary activity be brought to an end and that all loyalist arms be decommissioned. We would like to express our profound appreciation for the work of General de Chastelain and his colleagues on the IICD. They have made an invaluable contribution to the process of building and assuring peace. We are deeply indebted to them for the professional and painstaking manner in which they have carried out this part of their mandate.
Speech by Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP I consider this afternoon's announcements to be a very full and positive response to the appeal that I made in April. At that time I called upon the IRA to pursue their goals by purely peaceful and democratic means. This was in keeping with the position outlined by Sinn Féin going back over many years. I want to commend the leadership of the IRA for moving so decisively. I know that today's announcement will be difficult for many republicans. I saw that myself as we watched the press conference of the IICD and the two independent witnesses. This was a bold and brave leap. But all us need to think beyond it. We need to think beyond the moment. It is not the leap itself but the place that it takes us all that is important. For this reason the IRA's courageous decision was the right thing to do. Both governments now need to be focused, decisive and creative. They need to implement the Good Friday Agreement as they have promised to do. There must be progress on equality, policing, human rights, people on the run and victims. There must also be progress on other issues, including prisoners and Northern representation in the Oireachtas. There must be a proper peace dividend to tackle inequality, discrimination, deprivation and sectarianism wherever it exists. The political institutions must be restored. I understand and appreciate that unionists need space to absorb what all this means. I would ask them to reflect upon the potential which is now created, and to see it as an opportunity. Some unionists may fear that this is a tactical maneuver, or an attempt to trap them. It is not. Some unionists have expressed fears about a Plan B. There is no Plan B. There is no secret agenda. Unionists say they do not trust republicans. But they do need to trust themselves. The IRA's decision to formally end its armed campaign and today's announcements are genuine initiatives to revive the peace process by conclusively resolving the concerns of unionists. Issues relating to the IRA, which were presented as difficulties for unionists, have now been definitively dealt with. There are those who will try to dismiss or to minimise what has been announced today. We are prepared to meet those people to discuss their concerns. Our leadership will also be seeking meetings with political, church, business and civic interests to build on the progress of today's events and to discuss all these urgent and important issues. I would appeal therefore to political leaders to respond carefully. The words of some in the past have fueled sectarian violence against Catholics and this has been a particularly difficult summer. There were serious attempts to provoke a reaction from nationalists and republicans. There may well be other attempts in the time ahead so I call upon people to show the calm and discipline that was evident over the summer months and particularly in recent times. This initiative has opened up a new phase in Irish political life. This is not just about the peace process and conflict resolution, though that is vitally important. It is bigger than the question of arms. It is about the future of this island, the type of country that we want to live in, the sort of society that we desire for future generations as well as this generation. Sinn Féin is proud of our republican values. Our strategy is to bring about Irish unity and independence. And we will campaign and argue for this as we expect unionists to argue for their political vision. But in the interest of our shared constituencies we are prepared to work with them in the political institutions to deal with the outstanding issues of the peace process and the social and economic needs that face people at this time. One of the most critical issues facing us at this time is the pressing need to tackle sectarianism. The context for this is the Good Friday Agreement. We are not naive about the hard work and the difficulties which have yet to be overcome. But a new dynamic has been created. Republicans face into this with confidence. We appeal to unionists and others to join with us. To leave the past behind and to build a shared and peaceful future for all our people.
Spy ring backcloth’s threads unravel Before ‘Stormontgate’, the assembly had already been suspended three times amid rows over decommissioning and allegations of IRA activity. Chief Reporter Sharon O’Neill details key events since 2000. February 2000: Power-sharing suspended after Ulster Unionist leader David Trimble, threatens to resign over IRA failure to decommission. The assembly is restored three months later following an IRA statement outlining its intentions. August 2001: With no sign of decommissioning and following the resignation of David Trimble, devolution is suspended for 24 hours to allow talks. Amid the crisis three republicans are arrested in Colombia. September 2001: Power-sharing halted again – for one day – to allow another round of political negotiations to reinstate a first minister. October 2001: IRA starts decommissioning and UUP ministers are renominated to the executive. October 4 2002: Dawn raids at homes in north and west Belfast, on the same day as the trial of the ‘Colombia Three’ is due to start. Sinn Fein’s head of administration at Stormont, Denis Donaldson, is arrested as well as former NIO employee William Mackessy, community worker Ciaran Kearney and caterer Fiona Farrelly. Police later swoop on Sinn Fein’s Stormont offices, with republicans branding the PSNI “anti-peace process, anti-Sinn Fein and anti-democratic”. Concern is raised at the presence of the media at the exact time dozens of officers raid Parliament Buildings. Searches focus on Mr Donaldson’s desk and surrounding area and computer discs are seized. Republicans say papers relating to policing, human rights and justice issues are also taken. A security source claims at the time: “You are talking about espionage. This goes right to the heart of the IRA.” The UUP’s Jeffrey Donaldson warns that if action is not taken against Sinn Fein, unionist ministers will quit. October 6 2002: Denis Donaldson appears before a special court sitting in Belfast charged in connection with an alleged IRA spy ring. The former IRA prisoner faces five charges including possession of information on the security forces and ‘known’ loyalists, a sketch of Castle Buildings likely to be of use to terrorists and documents of secret confidential and restrictive nature originating from government offices. Also in the dock is Fiona Farrelly, accused of having personal details of employees of the Prison Service. October 7 2002: Chief Constable Hugh Orde apologises for the handling of the Stormont raid, but insists the search was necessary. “I regret the way it was done. You can take it as a general apology,” he says. October 8 2002: William Mackessy appears in court charged with possessing documents likely to be useful to terrorists. Police return computer discs taken from the Sinn Fein office at Stormont. DUP leader Ian Paisley announces that his party’s two ministers, Peter Robinson and Nigel Dodds, will resign. David Trimble issues ultimatum to government to expel Sinn Fein or he will take action. October 14 2002: Devolution suspended for the fourth time. Then Secretary of State John Reid says: “Power-sharing can only work in partnership if both sides trust the other.” Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams hits out at the suspension: “Dr Reid is an intelligent man and he must know that what he is doing is accommodating resistance to the Good Friday Agreement.” November 6 2002: A Catholic civil servant who previously worked in the office of First Minister David Trimble, and based in Deputy First Minister Mark Durkan’s office before the suspension of the institutions, is arrested but later released without charge. His solicitor at the time said that his client should be released “at an early stage”. The civil servant has since returned to work. November 11 2002: Then acting deputy Chief Constable Alan McQuillan, claims police have “broken open” the alleged IRA spy ring and confirms that probes into a security breach at the Castlereagh police complex in Belfast in March, and the Stormont investigation, have now been merged. Sinn Fein brand Mr McQuillan’s press conference a “blatant exercise in damage limitation”. Later that month police mount an investigation into media leaks after it is reported that a Special Branch informer exposed the IRA’s intelligence-gathering activities. December 17 2003: Fiona Farrelly walks free after being cleared of all charges without explanation. “This has been hanging over my head for about a year and three months now and I cannot tell you how relieved and happy I am,” she says. The cases against her coaccused face numerous delays and a charge central to the collapse of the executive was later withdrawn. October 2004: Fresh concerns are raised over when the trio will face trial. Kevin Winters, who represents Mr Kearney, says it is an ongoing concern that “unjustified allegations” can have a profound political impact.” Yesterday: more than three years after ‘Stormontgate’, Mr Kearney, Mr Mackessy and Mr Donaldson are acquitted of all charges.
November Deadline for Assembly Members Assembly members in the six counties were today given a 24th November absolute deadline to form a power-sharing government. Taoiseach Bertie Ahern and British Prime Minister Tony Blair confirmed that they would first recall the Assembly on 15th May to give it six weeks to form an executive. However, if that failed, they said they would give the 108 Assembly members a further 12 weeks after the summer recess to try to form a multi-party devolved government. If they failed on the second occasion, Assembly members' salaries and allowances would be stopped and the Irish and British governments would work on partnership arrangements to implement the Good Friday Agreement.
Joint Statement by the British Prime Minister and the Taoiseach 1. In recent months we have held discussions with all the political parties in Northern Ireland with a view to restoring the political institutions and building on the peace and prosperity which have flowed from the Good Friday Agreement. 2. When we last met, we noted the historic progress represented by the IRA statement of July 2005. We are convinced that the IRA no longer represents a terrorist threat. By any standards, that is a momentous stage in the history of Northern Ireland. On that basis, we have made it clear that all parties should engage in political dialogue. We have also made it clear that all parties should support the police as the most effective way of addressing continuing concerns about criminality. 3. We cannot force anyone to enter the political institutions. Every part of the political process over the past eight years has been voluntary. What we can do is to set out what we believe to be a practical framework and a reasonable timescale for moving forward. While we are conscious of the view that further confidence needs to be established, we also know that time alone is not enough: trust will not build itself in the absence of positive engagement by all parties. Everyone in Northern Ireland is aware of the dangers of a political vacuum. 4. The Assembly will therefore be recalled on 15 May. Recognising that it has not sat for nearly four years, it seems sensible to give the Assembly a short period in which to prepare for government as envisaged by paragraph 35 of Strand One of the Good Friday Agreement. The Assembly’s primary responsibility would be to elect a First and Deputy First Minister as soon as possible, to allocate Ministerial posts under the d’Hondt formula and to make other preparations for Government within Northern Ireland and in the North/South and East/West fields. 5. As soon as the Assembly elects a First and Deputy First Minister on a cross-community basis and forms an Executive, power will automatically be devolved to the Assembly, as happened in December 1999, and all its functions will be resumed. At that point the British Government’s power to suspend the Assembly will lapse for good. 6. If, despite best efforts, the Assembly is not able to elect a First and Deputy First Minister on a cross-community basis within the normal six week period, we would be prepared to allow a further period of 12 weeks after the summer recess in which to form an Executive and we would expect it to do so at the earliest opportunity within this timeframe. 7. We are also conscious that all parties have made proposals for the better functioning of the institutions and that discussion on these issues has not yet concluded. It would be open to the parties to continue these discussions with each other and with the Governments, as appropriate, so that consideration could be given to proposals for the implementation of the Agreement, including changes to Strands 1 to 3 in the context of a commitment by all involved to participate in a power-sharing Executive. 8. It would of course also be open to the Assembly to prepare for Government by considering issues which the Executive will have to deal with, such as future economic strategy, water rates, public administration and education. Ministers would naturally take account of views which command cross-community support within the Assembly. 9. While it is reasonable to give the Assembly a little more time, there must be a clear limit. We said in January that a power-sharing Executive must be formed this year. If by 24 November the Assembly has failed to achieve this, we do not believe that any purpose would be served by a further election at that point or a few months later in May 2007. We do not think that the people of Northern Ireland should be asked to participate in elections to a deadlocked Assembly. There would be no choice but to cancel salaries and allowances for MLAs and to defer restoration of the Assembly and Executive until there is a clear political willingness to exercise devolved power. The Governments would, of course, stand ready to facilitate full restoration when all parties indicate such willingness. 10. If restoration of the Assembly and Executive has to be deferred, the Governments agree that this will have immediate implications for their joint stewardship of the process. We are beginning detailed work on British-Irish partnership arrangements that will be necessary in these circumstances to ensure that the Good Friday Agreement, which is the indispensable framework for relations on and between these islands, is actively developed across its structures and functions. This work will be shaped by the commitment of both Governments to a step-change in advancing North-South co-operation and action for the benefit of all. 11. The British Government will introduce emergency legislation to facilitate this way forward. It will set out clearly the limited timescale available to the Assembly to reach agreement. In parallel with the recalling of the Assembly, we will engage intensively with the parties to establish the trust necessary to allow the institutions not only to function but to flourish. There is a great deal of work to be done. The Governments will do all in their power to restore the institutions and return devolved Government to those elected by the people of Northern Ireland. But the final decisions are for the parties. We hope they will seize the opportunity to move forward.
IRA Easter message Teachtaireacht na Cásca 2006: Dualgas ar Rialtas Átha Cliath IRA remains committed to ideals of Proclamation "This Easter marks the 90th anniversary of the 1916 Rising, a turning point in the history of Ireland. Irish republicans remember with pride those who gave their lives that extraordinary Easter and the leaders executed in the weeks that followed. The leadership of Óglaigh na hÉireann extends solidarity to the families of all of our patriot dead from every generation and in particular those from this phase of struggle. We send solidarity greetings to our imprisoned comrades and their families. This year we also commemorate the valiant prison Hunger Strike of 1981. Ten brave men - freedom fighters and patriots - died. Their legacy and that of Frank Stagg and Michael Gaughan, lives on and their fortitude and courage continues to inspire. Following our statement of July 28 last year, IRA Volunteers have adhered, in the spirit and the letter, to the decisions and instructions outlined by the leadership. We commend the discipline of our Volunteers and salute their commitment. The IRA has no responsibility for the tiny number of former republicans who have embraced criminal activity. They do so for self-gain. We repudiate this activity and denounce those involved. The IRA remains committed to the peace process. Our decisions and actions of last July and September are proof of that. The leadership of Óglaigh na hÉireann believes that it is possible to achieve the republican goal of a united Ireland through the alternative route of purely peaceful and democratic means. We know that many republicans are frustrated and angry at the positions taken up by the two governments over the last year. However, in our view, the will of the people is to see advances in the political process. The onus is on the two governments and the political parties to ensure that this happens. The Irish Government in particular has a duty to see beyond the current phase of the process. Its responsibility is to promote an end to partition and to create the conditions for the unity and independence of Ireland. The IRA is fully committed to the ideals and principles of the Proclamation of Easter 1916. We urge maximum unity in the time ahead. Beirigí bua."
"I mbliana céiliúraímid comóradh 90 blian d'Éirí Amach na Cásca, am cinniúna i stair na hÉireann. Cuimhníonn poblachtánaigh Éireannach le bród agus l'ómós, iad siúd a thug a mbeatha tráth na Cásca cinniúna sin ach go spéisialta na cinnirí a chuireadh chun báis ag Gall i gcaitheamh na seachtainí beaga tar éis Seachtain na Cásca. Faireann ceannaireachht Óglaigh na hÉireann dlúthpháirteachas do theaghlaigh na tírgráthóirí calma uilig a thug a mbeatha ar son saoirse na hÉireann in achán glún ach go háiríthe ár gcomradaíthe a fuair bás sa tréimhse coimhlinte is déanaí. Scolaimid beannachtaí agus guímid gach ráth ar ár gcuid phearsanra atá faoi ghlás ag Gall agus ar a gclainne siúd freisin. I mbliana fosta cuimhnímis agus comóraimís Stailc Ocrais 1981. Fuair deichniúr cróga, trodairí saoirse agus tírgráthóirí bás. Maireann oidhreacht s'acú agus oidhreacht Frank Stagg agus Michael Gaughan beo agus tugann a gcuid díongháilteacht agus crógacht ionspioráid dúinn ar fad. Ó éisíodh ráiteas Óglaigh na hÉireann ar an 28ú Iúil na bliana seo cáite chloí Óglaigh s'againne go dlúth le spioráid agus le briathra an ráitis sin agus cloí said leis na cionníolacha agus na treoir uilig a tugadh dóibh. Séanann ceannaireacht Óglaigh na hÉireann na bréaga agus na líomhainti gan bhúnus a táthar a gcraobhscaoileadh ag ár naimhde. Molaimid ár gcuid Óglach as a rialbheas agus seasmhacht. Níl Óglaigh na hÉireann freaghach ar bhealach ar bith as an fhíormhionlach d'iár phoblachtánaigh a d'imigh le coirpeachas. Rinne siad amhlaidh da thoradh féinsuime séanaimid iad agus a gcuid gníomhaíochta agus cáinimid iad. Tá Óglaigh na hÉireann dlúite don phróiseas síochána ar fad. Fíoraíonn ár gcuid gníomhnaíochta agus ár gcuid cinní sin. Creideann ceannaireacht Óglaigh na hÉireann gur féidir an sprioc poblachtach: Éireann athaontaíthe a bhaint amach le gniomhnaíochta síochánta agus daonláthacha amháin. Tuigimid go bhfuil frustrachás agus fearg nach beag ar go leor poblachtánaigh mar gheall ar an seasamh atá glachta ag an dá rialteas le bliain anuas. Bíodh sin amhlaidh sé ár mbarúil gurb é mian an phobail dul chun tosaigh a fheiceaíl sa phroiseas síochána. Tá an fhreagracht ar an dá rialtas agus na páirtíthe polaitiúla cinntiú go dtarlaíonn an dul chun cinn sin. Tá freagracht uathúil ar rialtas Átha Cliath féachaint chun tosaigh agus noís fáide anon na an tréimhse reatha sa phroiseas. 'Sé freaghacht agus dualgas s'acú coinníollacha a cothú agus a cruthú a cuireann deireadh leis an críochdheighilt agus a cuireann aontas agus neamhspleachas na tíre i gcrích. Ta ceannaireacht Óglaigh na hÉireann tíománta go h-iomlán do bhunfhealsúnacht Forógra 1916. 'Sé an rud is tabhachtaí san am atá le teacht ná go leanfar leis an aontas a tháispeán poblachtánaigh chuige seo. Beirigí bua." P.O'Neill, Irish Republican Publicity Bureau,
Saint Andrews Agreement (The Agreement can be viewed at: http://www.nio.gov.uk/st_andrews_agreement.pdf) The Saint Andrews Agreement is an agreement proposed by the British and Irish governments in relation to devolution of power to the Northern Assembly. The multi-party talks took place between October 11th and 13th 2006. All of the major parties have given the agreement their initial assent. Key elements of the agreement include the full acceptance of the PSNI by Sinn Féin and the willingness of the DUP to share political power in the six counties. The two governments' plan envisages the devolution of policing and justice powers within two years from the creation of the executive. The parties have until November 10th 2006 to respond to the draft agreement. The First and Deputy First Minister would then be appointed on November 24th 2006. There is a target date of March 26th 2007 for a new Executive to be up and running, after electoral assent to the agreement - either in form of referenda or elections.
St. Andrews has Potential to Move Process Forward Sinn Féin Chairperson Mary Lou McDonald MEP today reported back to the Ard Chomhairle on the consultation which has taken place within the party over the past fortnight and the recent discussions with the British and Irish governments. Since the Ard Chomhairle met on October 19th in Dublin more than 60 meetings have taken place throughout Ireland. Dublin MEP Ms McDonald, who headed up the consultation panel set up by the Ard Chomhairle, said: "Sinn Fein's objective in the negotiations that led up to St. Andrews was to advance the peace process and bring about the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. This required the DUP to move to share power jointly with Sinn Féin in the Executive and participate fully in the All-Ireland Ministerial Council. "If these objectives can be achieved they will mark an historic development on this island. "Because of the importance of what is at stake we examined the proposals of the British and Irish governments in detail and consulted widely both within the party and in the wider community. "There are ongoing negotiations on a number of core issues and there are elements in the two governments' position which need further work to keep them in line with the Good Friday Agreement. "Following a thorough discussion the Ard Chomhairle agreed that the process set out at St. Andrews has the potential to deliver the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and to bring about the restoration of the power-sharing and all-Ireland political institutions. It also mandated the party leadership to continue with the ongoing negotiations to resolve the outstanding core issues. "The issue of policing also came up at today's meeting but the primary focus of our deliberations was on the re-establishment of the political institutions following the St. Andrews talks. "The resolution of the issue of policing is a matter for the two governments and all the political parties. Issues which need resolved include agreement on the model and timeframe for transfer. "Sinn Féin is committed to bring an end to decades of bad policing. All elements in policing need to be accountable. Sinn Féin rejects any role in civic policing for MI5. "Justice and the fair and impartial rule of law are essential elements of a society at peace with itself. We want to see democratically accountable civic policing and we will continue to work until we achieve this. Gerry Adams will propose to the Ard Chomhairle that we convene a special Ard Fheis as soon as these matters are resolved. "Of course there are many challenges still to be overcome. The refusal of Ian Paisley to attend the Programme [Preparation] for Government Committee meeting is a set back. And the refusal of the British government to convene this committee in the three weeks since then has meant that little progress has been made in relation to some of the key outstanding issues. "The Programme for Government Committee should meet urgently. There should be no more unnecessary delays. November 24th has been set by the governments for a meeting of the Assembly to nominate the First Minister and Deputy First Minister. We look forward to this happening." Speaking following the meeting Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams said: Full text of motion passed by Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle: "The Ard Chomhairle notes the report on its consultation process and on recent discussions between the party negotiation team and the two governments. This includes the concerns raised, the progress made and the work still ongoing. We believe that the process set out at St. Andrews has the potential to deliver the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and to bring about the restoration of the power-sharing and all-Ireland political institutions. However, there are elements in the document set out by the two governments, which require further work to keep them in line with the Good Friday Agreement. There are ongoing negotiations in relation to a number of core issues which have yet to be resolved. Subject to delivery of these issues the commitments set out in the governments’ St. Andrews statement could represent a way forward. The Ard Chomhairle mandates the party President and national Officer Board to pursue all of this and to report back to the Ard Chomhairle. We reiterate our view that the issue of policing and justice is a matter for the two governments and all the political parties. Issues to be agreed include a timeframe for the transfer of powers and a model for the department on policing and justice. Sinn Féin is committed to bring an end to decades of repressive and sectarian policing. We reject any role for MI5 in Ireland or in civic policing. We want to see democratically accountable civic policing and we will continue to work until we achieve this."
Assembly Election Set for March Northern Ireland (St Andrews Agreement) Bill Published Elections to a new northern assembly will be held on March 7th next year, the British government has said in new legislation published today in The Northern Ireland (St Andrews Agreement) Bill. The legislation also requires ministers sitting in the assembly after March's election to make a four-part pledge of office:
In February, MLAs are due to start campaigning for the March 7th election, which comes before the March 26th target date set by the two governments for restoring devolution. The Northern Ireland (St Andrews Agreement) Bill is available for viewing at: http://www.nio.gov.uk/northern_ireland_(_st_andrews_agreement)_bill.pdf
"Progress requires everyone to take risks" - IRA The following is the text of a New Year’s message supplied to An Phoblacht this week by the leadership of Óglaigh na hÉireann: "The leadership of Óglaigh na hÉireann sends New Year greetings to our friends and supporters at home and abroad. We send best wishes, especially to republican prisoners and their families. We commend all those working for the early release of those prisoners and urge them to continue in their efforts. "We remain committed to our republican objectives and we support all those, especially our comrades in Sinn Féin, working for those goals. "Over the past twelve months republicans have celebrated and commemorated with dignity and pride, the lives and sacrifices of those who died on Hunger Strikes. "On this the 50th anniversary of the deaths, on active service, of our comrades Seán Sabhat and Fergal O’Hanlon we remember their sacrifice and that of all those comrades who fought or died during the Border Campaign. "We remain firmly committed to our objective of a free, united and independent Irish republic. We believe that our political objectives can now be achieved by political means and we will continue to pursue this course with energy in the year ahead. "We salute the commitment and discipline of IRA Volunteers and that of the republican activist base. The determination and unity that have sustained us all thus far are required now more than ever. "There are big challenges to be faced in the time ahead, republicans will not shy away from these challenges. We are very conscious that progress requires everyone to take risks. "A heavy responsibility rests on political leaders to make politics work so that conflict remains firmly in the past. We have demonstrated our commitment to this approach. We urge all others to do the same." "Gabhann ceannasaíocht Óglaigh na hÉireann beannachtaí na hathbhliana lenár gcairde agus lenár lucht tacaíochta in Éireann agus i gcéin. "Gabhaimid deá-mhianta, ach go áiríthe le priosúnaigh poblachta agus a dteaghlaigh. Molaimid iad siúd go léir atá ag obair ar son scaoileadh saor luath na gcimí sin agus iarraimid orthú leansteán ar aghaidh lená n-iarrachtaí. Tá muid comhthiománta agus a bhíomar aríamh dár gcuspóirí poblachtacha agus tacaímid leo siúd uilig, go háirithe ár gcomradaithe i Sinn Féin, atá ag obair chun na cuspóirí sin a bhaint amach. "Le bliain anuas tá poblachtanaigh ag cuimhniú agus ag ceiliúradh le maorgacht agus le bród, beatha agus íobairt na daoine a fuair bás ar stailc ocrais. "Ar ócáid seo an caogadú cuimhneachán ar bhás ár gcomradaithe Seán Sabhat agus Feargal O’hAnnluain ar fianas, cuimhnímís ar a n-íobairt agus ar íobairt na gcomradaithe uilig a sheas leo nó a fuair bás le linn Feachtas an Teorainn. "Tá muid faoi cheangal buan de chuspóir poblacht Éireannach saor aontaithe agus neamhspleach creidimid gur féidir ár gcuspóirí polaitúla a bhaint amach anois le modhanna polaitúla agus leanfaimid orainn sa chúrsa seo le fuinneamh sa bhlian atá romhainn. "Molaimid seasmhacht agus rialbhas gníomhaithe Óglaigh na hÉireann agus an bhonn leathán poblachtach gníomhach. Tá an aontacht agus an seasmhacht a sheas linn go léir chuige seo noís tabhachtaigh ná mar a bhi siad ríamh anall. "Tá dushlann móra romhainn, níor umhalaigh poblachtanaigh roimhe na dushlann céanna. Tá se an soiléir dúinn nach féidir dul chun chinn a dhéanamh ach nuair atá an uile dhuinne toilteanach dul i bpriacal. "Tá freagreacht trom ar ceannairí polaitúla cinntiú go n-oibríonn an pholaitíocht chun go bhfanann an coimhlint go buan san am atá caite. "Tháispeanamar go bhfuil muid dlúite leis an chur chuige seo. Iarraimid ar dhoine eile amhlaidh a dhéanamh." P. O’Neill,
Sinn Féin Ard Fheis to go Ahead on January 28th Speaking following a meeting of the Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle in Dublin this afternoon, Gerry Adams said that the party's Ard Chomhairle has backed a proposal for an Extraordinary Ard Fheis to go ahead on January 28th. Mr Adams said today's Ard Chomhairle decision was hugely courageous and will ensure that the political process continues to move forward, adding that he believes that the new beginning to policing promised in the Good Friday Agreement is now "within our grasp". The Sinn Féin President said the party wants to get policing right and that the Extraordinary Sinn Féin Ard Fheis is the important next step in this process. "In response, the Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle today took the historic and courageous decision to proceed to an Ard Fheis on policing, despite the failure of the DUP to respond positively. "If the Ard Fheis adopts the proposed motion then we will have the potential, for the first time ever, for the full involvement by Irish republicans in policing structures across the island. "The Ard Chomhairle has decided to proceed with the planned Ard Fheis on January 28th and on the basis of the motion agreed by the Ard Chomhairle on December 29th, which commits Sinn Féin to:
"The Ard Chomhairle is proposing that an Extraordinary Ard Fheis adopts this motion and gives the Ard Chomhairle the responsibility and authority to fully implement all elements of it. "The necessary context for this is the re-establishment of the political institutions and confirmation that policing and justice powers will be transferred to these institutions or when acceptable new partnership arrangements to implement the Good Friday Agreement are in place. "It would be entirely wrong to allow the most negative elements of unionism a veto over republican and nationalist efforts to achieve the new beginning to policing promised in the Good Friday Agreement. Sinn Féin will not be paralysed by rejectionist elements of the DUP. "There are also those within the PSNI who are opposed to change. In this context, I have been made aware of incidents in parts of South Derry, Castlederg and County Armagh where local PSNI units are involved in trying to destabilise nationalist communities. This is entirely predictable and needs to be stopped. "Our objective is to secure a proper policing service and to hold that policing service, once achieved, fully to account. "We have already achieved enormous progress on the issues of democratic accountability, human rights protections and the ending of political and repressive policing. Over recent days, we have also seen progress and changes on the key issues of the removal of MI5 from local policing structures and on the use of plastic bullets. "I believe that the new beginning to policing promised in the Good Friday Agreement is now within our grasp. "Sinn Féin wants to get policing right. "The Extraordinary Sinn Féin Ard Fheis is the important next step."
Motion for the Extraordinary Ard Fheis on policing This Ard Fheis reiterates Sinn Féin’s political commitment to bringing about Irish re-unification and the full integration of political, economic, social and cultural life on the island. This Ard Fheis supports civic policing through a police service which is representative of the community it serves, free from partisan political control and democratically accountable. We support fair, impartial and effective delivery of the rule of law. The changes to policing secured in legislation need to be implemented fully. The truth about wrongdoing by British military, intelligence and policing agencies needs to be uncovered and acknowledged. Sinn Féin supports the demands for this from the families of victims. The PSNI needs to make strenuous efforts to earn the trust and confidence of nationalists and republicans. Gardaí corruption and malpractice – which has been exposed in the Morris Tribunal and the Abbeylara inquiry in the 26 counties – shows the need for constant vigilance and oversight. These inquiries and the ill-treatment of republicans by the Garda Special Branch also provide compelling reasons as to why the responsibility of political parties and representatives should be to hold the police to account in a fair and publicly transparent way. This Ard Fheis is totally opposed to political, sectarian and repressive policing. The experience of nationalists and republicans in the Six Counties is of a partisan, unionist militia which engaged in harassment, torture, assassination, shoot-to-kill and collusion with death squads. The Good Friday Agreement requires and defines ‘a new beginning to policing’ as an essential element of the peace process. The Good Friday Agreement also requires functioning, powersharing and all-Ireland political institutions. The British Government have agreed to the transfer of powers on policing and justice away from Westminster to locally-elected political institutions and have set out the departmental model to which these powers will be transferred. In these circumstances authority over policing and justice will lie in Ireland. We note the British Government’s new policy statement of 10 January 2007 which removes MI5 from policing structures in Ireland. This removes the proposals to embed MI5 into civic policing and removes the danger of again creating a force within a force. We note also the commitment by PSNI Chief Constable Hugh Orde that plastic bullets will not be used for purposes of public order/crowd control and his acknowledgement of the hurt resulting from injuries and death of innocent people including children. These weapons should never be used again. Sinn Féin will continue to campaign for a total ban. This Ard Fheis notes the refusal of the DUP leader Ian Paisley to publicly commit to power-sharing and participation in the all-Ireland political institutions by 26 March 2007. Before the Ard Chomhairle meeting on 29 December the DUP had agreed words which they would release in response to the Ard Chomhairle accepting the policing motion put by the Party President. We note the DUP’s failure to keep to this commitment. It is clear that elements of the DUP are determined to use policing and other issues to prevent progress, resist powersharing and equality and oppose any all-Ireland development. This is unacceptable. It is the responsibility of the two Governments and pro-Agreement parties across the island to resist this and to ensure the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. Sinn Féin is committed to justice. Sinn Féin is committed to law and order and to stable and inclusive partnership government, and, in good faith and in a spirit of genuine partnership, to the full operation of stable power-sharing government and the north south and east west arrangements set out in the Good Friday Agreement. The responsibility of the police is to defend and uphold the rights of citizens. In order to fulfil this role they require critical support. Sinn Féin reiterates our support for An Garda Síochána and commits fully to:
To achieve this the Ard Chomhairle is hereby mandated to: Appoint Sinn Féin representatives to the Policing Board and the District Policing Partnership Boards to ensure that:
Ensure Sinn Féin representatives robustly support the demands for:
The Ard Chomhairle recommends: That this Ard Fheis endorses the Ard Chomhairle motion. That the Ard Chomhairle is mandated to implement this motion only when the power-sharing institutions are established and when the Ard Chomhairle is satisfied that the policing and justice powers will be transferred. Or if this does not happen within the St Andrews timeframe, only when acceptable new partnership arrangements to implement the Good Friday Agreement are in place.
Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams' Closing Remarks to Extraordinary Ard Fheis Following over 90% of members at the Sinn Féin Extraordinary Ard Fheis in Dublin's RDS voting in favour of the Ard Chomhairle motion, Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP addressed the conference Bhí seo ceann de na diospoireacht is tabhactach a rinne poblachtanaigh i riamh. Bhí muid oscailte agus carduil agus thug muid ar mbaruil mar sin. Agus tá mé buioch daoibh go leir mar glac sibh pairt ann. This has been one of the most important debates in the recent history of our country and of Irish republicanism. I want to thank everyone who contributed to it. The decision we have taken today is truly historic. Its significance will be in how we use this decision to move our struggle forward. We have created the potential to change the political landscape of this island for ever. We have created the opportunity to significantly advance our primary objective of a United Ireland through the building of greater political strength. Now it is up to each of us at this Ard Fheis, and to the thousands of other republicans watching our deliberations today, to build on today's positive outcome. Of course, building political strength won't happen by chance. It will require hard work and dedication. As I listened to today's debate, listened to the scores of contributions, and as I look around this hall now I am confirmed in my confidence that Sinn Féin has the commitment, the talent and ability, the determination and vision to build a New Ireland. I want to make a few other short remarks to bring today's historic Ard Fheis to a close. First of all I want to thank everyone who organised this Ard Fheis - everyone from security to publicity - tellers, steering committee, chair - achan daoine a chuir ocaid le chéile. I want also to offer once again to meet with the leadership of other republican organisations who are opposed to Sinn Féin's peace strategy. I want to meet with them and to listen to any alternative strategy that they want to put forward. I would also expect them to listen to our analysis and the rationale behind our strategy. I also want to appeal to unionists to encourage their political leaders to engage in open debate with Sinn Féin, and to unionist political leaders to take up that challenge. Republicanism and unionism have to reach an historic compromise if the promise and hope of the peace process is to deliver stability and progress for all our people. That means beginning a real dialogue, an anti-sectarian dialogue, between nationalism and republicanism and unionism. A dialogue which can move us all beyond the current impasse into a living, hopeful future that will cherish all our people equally. To achieve that, we must begin to co-operate in managing the process of change. It is also up to us who are working for a united Ireland to do everything possible to reach out to others and especially to reassure unionists that their culture and identity is not threatened by Irish unity. On the contrary, Irish unity can liberate and protect and advance the rights and entitlements of every citizen, nationalist and unionist and republican and all the new Irish on this island. Accepting the responsibility of leadership means rising above our history of division, hostility and conflict. I would appeal to those unionist political leaders to grasp the challenge that now exists - to demonstrate the leadership that is required in reaching beyond traditional positions. The reality is that there has been significant change in recent years and that process of change will continue. The decision we have taken today is not the end of the issue of policing and justice. There is much more work to be done to ensure that the accountability mechanisms that are in place are used to their fullest potential. We have a lot of work to do in co-operating with the families of those who continue to seek the truth on collusion, and state terrorism or who campaign for an end to plastic bullets. Those campaigns have not ended. They, like our struggle, have entered a new phase of activity. This applies to Policing and Justice just as it does to other areas of state structures. There is no going back, only forward to a new beginning and a just society. If we are to make progress republicans and nationalist and unionists will have to set the terms of our relationship. Republicans believe that the best way to achieve this is to take control of our destiny. That means persuading the British government to face up to its responsibilities. It means the British government leaving Ireland. That is the democratic right of the people of our island. But why, we must ask ourselves, would a British government accept this democratic right, if the Irish government or other parties in this state are asking for less? Sinn Féin is the only nationally organised party on this island. We face into the future filled with hope, confident in our own ability and growing stronger day by day. Today we acted in the national interest. We look to others to do the same in the time ahead. Today's Ard Fheis is about building our political strength. It is about putting backbone into Irish national politics. It is about building equality - not just in the north - but everywhere in cities and towns all across this state and throughout rural Ireland. Seamus Breslin from Doire said what the establishment feared was the wee man from the Bogside or the Falls Road going on to the Policing Boards. Seamus is right but what the establishment fears even more than the wee man are the wee women, not just from the Bogside or the Falls but from Dublin Central, from Cavan Monaghan from the Cobh of Cork, from the west and the sunny south east - not just on policing boards but on decision making structures throughout Ireland. Ní bheidh saoirse gan saoirse na mban agus ni bhrich SF abalta e a fhail gan mna na hEireann anseo linn mar gceonnairi. Our duty is to develop politics which empower people. My friends, we are very capable of doing that. We are with Connolly - Ireland without our people means nothing to us. We are about the re-conquest of Ireland by the people of Ireland. The last month of consultation - internally, then with the wider republican base, and finally with everyone else is an example of a new culture of politics - the politics of change. Sinn Féin is the engine of that change. As we go from here, united, we also need to give space to everyone who has concerns or reservations about today's huge decision. The debate does not finish here. It continues - as our struggle continues. And the debate needs to include not just the issue of policing but all other aspects of contemporary Irish society and the republican vision for a better Ireland, a new Ireland - an Ireland of Equals. We are back here for our regular Ard Fheis in a months' time and the year after that and the next year - bigger, stronger, bolder, building political strength and building the new Republic. In the meantime let's take the next wee phase nice and calmly. Let's not be upset by how others respond to today's decision. Remember the higher they build their barriers the stronger we become. Let's keep our strategic and primary objectives as our compass in the time ahead. Leanagi ar aghaigh le cheile, laidir, aontaithe agus ag fas is ag togail cumhocht.
United Ireland can be achieved peacefully - Adams With DUP leader Ian Paisley under mounting British and Irish pressure to agree to a new power sharing executive with republicans at Stormont, Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP has moved in a bid to end lingering unionist doubts about his party's commitment to the political process, especially on policing. The British government has warned the Assembly will be dissolved unless a deal is reached by the deadline of Monday 26th March. The DUP executive is due to meet in Belfast on Saturday for talks to decide if they will sign up. Some DUP MPs believe they should hold back at this stage before entering into government with republicans. But in a major interview with An Phoblacht, Mr Adams attempts to reassure them his party is serious about entering a new and historic arrangement.
Exclusive interview with Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP Q: How hopeful are you that next Monday will see the restoration of the political institutions? A: I am optimistic and hopeful that this time we will achieve the breakthrough that has eluded all of us for so long. The election results clearly show an overwhelming demand for the institutions to be restored. Voters had the opportunity to chose between British Direct Rule ministers and local politicians in a power sharing Executive and they emphatically opted for the latter. All of those candidates and groups which were anti-agreement were trounced. The only question that remains, indeed the only question of any substance for the last three years, is when will the DUP say Yes? The opportunity to secure additional funding from the British government is now; our collective ability to kick start a new phase of local accountable government will never be better; and there is a definite public mood for progress. Republicans have taken significant initiatives and engaged in long and difficult negotiations with the British government to create the current conditions for progress. In addition, the restoration of the political institutions, with unionists under the leadership of Ian Paisley entering into genuinely inclusive structures, would represent an enormous step forward in the essential process of national reconciliation. And it would provide a powerful example of peacemaking and reconciliation to the international community and to others seeking to find a way out of conflict. Q: There are still those on the unionist side who question republican intentions; who continue to raise questions about the IRA or Sinn Féin's commitment to policing. How do you reassure them? A: For some it may be impossible to provide reassurance. The reality is that all of us are participating in a process of fundamental change, unprecedented in Anglo-Irish history. This is enormously challenging for all of us but especially for those who want to hold to the past. That is not going to happen. All of that is gone. But we do have a responsibility to spell out clearly what we want and how we intend moving forward to achieving it. Sinn Féin has no hidden agenda. We are not trying to con, or dupe or mislead anyone, especially unionists. Sinn Féin is an Irish Republican Party. Our goal is an end to partition and the creation of a united, independent Ireland in which all of the people live together in mutual respect and on the basis of equality. We know that we have a job of work to do to convince unionists - even a section of unionists - that this is the best future for them and the rest of the people of this island, and we are up to that challenge. The fact is that the war is over. The peace process has created for the first time ever in our long and troubled history, a peaceful and democratic option for achieving a united Ireland. The IRA decision in July 2005 to formally end its armed campaign and the decision to put arms beyond use, has presented an unparalleled challenge and opportunity for every nationalist and republican. It is one which we in Sinn Féin have proactively sought to build on. The goal of a united Ireland remains absolute. It can now and will be achieved by purely peaceful, democratic and political means. There is a peaceful way to achieve political change, equality, justice and ultimately Irish freedom. There is no reason or excuse for armed actions. The IRA has removed itself from the picture. It is committed to advancing republican and democratic objectives, including a united Ireland, and all its Volunteers have been instructed to assist the development of purely political and democratic programmes through exclusively peaceful means. Q: What of policing? Is there ambivalence in the Sinn Féin attitude to the PSNI and crime? A: All Sinn Féin ministers will endorse the pledge of office on 26 March including the commitment to fully endorse the PSNI. There is nothing conditional in that. The Ard Fheis motion commits Sinn Féin to fully support the PSNI and the criminal justice system. Sinn Féin is delivering on policing: we have been delivering on what we promised and we will continue to do so. We have been actively giving support to the police by encouraging those with information on crimes to go to the PSNI - that has been happening since the Ard Fheis. The failure of the police to behave in a fair and non partisan way in the past constituted political policing. The Ard Fheis motion commits Sinn Féin to holding the police to account on the basis of fairness, impartiality and objectivity. That means legitimate criticism and challenge if particular actions by the police appear not to live up to these expectations, as unionist politicians have asserted in the past. Our expectations are shared by citizens generally. They are for policing as a public service. That is the responsibility of politicians and the Policing Board. To hold the police to account. That is what the leadership of the PSNI expects from us. Sinn Féin will participate fully in policing structures, including the Policing Board once reconstituted and the DPPs. I will propose that to the Ard Chomhairle as soon as the institutions are re-established. This becomes possible in the context of the restoration of the political institutions and the Ard Chomhairle's satisfaction that policing and justice powers will be transferred away from London. The decision by the special Ard Fheis is only the start of a process of ensuring that the accountability mechanisms for policing and justice that are in place are used to their fullest potential. We also have a lot of work to do in co-operation with the families of those who continue to seek the truth on collusion, and state terrorism or who campaign for an end to plastic bullets. Q: Before the election you offered to meet other republican groups, including armed groups. Has this happened? A: Not so far. But I continue to seek such meetings. It is important that there is a dialogue between us. I want to explain to them our strategy, what we are trying to achieve and why we believe their actions are counter-productive. In the recent Assembly elections those republicans opposed to Sinn Féin stood candidates. I welcomed this political intervention. Everyone who goes to the people for endorsement of their views is to be commended. These other republicans put their position to the electorate and it was rejected. But that is not to say that their views should be ignored. On the contrary they should be listened to. So, in this context I believe it would be important that Sinn Féin meet with these organisations to brief them in detail on current developments and impress upon them our view that the current Sinn Féin strategy is the best way forward for our community and for the wider republican struggle. Q: How important is the peace dividend, the economic package, from the British government? A: Sinn Féin was the first party to raise the importance of a peace dividend, an economic package, from the British and Irish governments. It has been a priority in all of our discussions with both governments. Of course, the British government will always be reluctant to give as much as it should. But at the same time I do think that this British government, know, they can sense the growing mood of optimism, that the current situation could see a real breakthrough after all the conflict and the other false dawns. In my conversations with the British Chancellor Gordon Brown he certainly gave the impression that he realises that there now exists a historic opportunity to make significant progress and that he has a role to play in ensuring that is properly resourced. If the Executive is in place, as expected on March 26th, it is essential that it has the resources to fulfil its obligations. It would be disastrous if the incoming administration was saddled with a legacy, on top of all the other problems, arising from the failure of successive British governments to fund public services here. Sinn Féin is particularly arguing for relief from the additional water charges. But this needs to be part of an overall economic package. Political parties, particularly those parties which will form the Executive, need to be united on this issue. It will be extremely difficult to get the British government to pick up the tab on these matters after the Executive is in place. The time to do it is now, before March 26th. However, this is an impossible task unless it is very clear that there will be functioning political institutions as set out in the Good Friday Agreement and at St. Andrews. Thursday's meeting with the British government is very important but so too was the meeting we held with the Taoiseach on Tuesday evening in Dublin.
Historic Agreement Between Sinn Féin and the DUP Start of a new era of politics in Ireland A remarkable and historic event occurred this morning as Ian Paisley and his DUP party agreed to share power with Sinn Féin. Ian Paisley and Gerry Adams met together around a diamond-shaped table at Stormont along with their party delegations where they each read out statements agreeing to share power on May 8th. Devolution was to begin today, but following the agreement between the DUP and Sinn Féin, it will now be re-scheduled for May 8th. The two parties have agreed to begin preparations for government, with meetings to take place straight away including a planned DUP-Sinn Féin joint meeting with British Chancellor Gordon Brown on a proper financial package for the six counties. Following the meeting, a statement from Ian Paisley confirmed his commitment to power-sharing. He said he believed "enormous opportunities" lie ahead for making a positive difference to people's lives and that the past should not be a barrier to creating a better future. Following Mr Paisley's statement, Mr Adams said: "I want to begin my remarks by welcoming the statement by Ian Paisley. "While it is disappointing that the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement have not been restored today, I believe the agreement reached between Sinn Féin and the DUP, including the unequivocal commitment made by their party Executive and reiterated today, to the restoration of political institutions on May 8th, marks the beginning of a new era of politics on this island. "The discussions and agreement between our two parties shows the potential of what can now be achieved. "Sinn Féin entered into these discussions in a positive and strategic way strengthened by our recently renewed and increased mandate. I want to once again thank everyone who supports our party. "Tá muid buíoch daoibh go léir. "In all of the initiatives we have taken in recent times we have been guided by the need to deliver for the people of Ireland. So, in our discussions we have listened very carefully to the position put forward by Ian Paisley and his colleagues. "The relationships between the people of this island have been marred by centuries of discord, conflict, hurt and tragedy. In particular this has been the sad history of orange and green. "Ach tá tús nua ann anois le cuidiu Dé. "Sinn Féin is about building a new relationship between orange and green and all the other colours, where every citizen can share and have equality of ownership of a peaceful, prosperous and just future. "There are still many challenges, many difficulties to be faced. But let us be clear. The basis of the agreement between Sinn Féin and the DUP follows Ian Paisley's unequivocal and welcome commitment to support and participate fully in the political institutions on May 8th. "In the lead up to restoration important work has to take place preparing for government. And you have the outline of that also. "As an immediate step both Sinn Féin and the DUP have asked the British government not to issue the water bills. "Tús maith leath na hoibre. A good start is half the work. "The two governments also have other work to do. "We are committed to, and today discussed, further engagements with the British Chancellor, with the Irish government, and with others to ensure that the incoming Executive has the best possible resources to fulfil our responsibilities. "We have all come a very long way in the process of peace making and national reconciliation. "We are very conscious of the many people who have suffered. We owe it to them to build the best future possible. "It is a time for generosity, a time to be mindful of the common good and of the future of all our people. "I am pleased to say that collectively we have created the potential to build a new, harmonious and equitable relationship between nationalists and republicans and unionists, as well as the rest of the people of the island of Ireland. "Sinn Féin will take nothing for granted in the days and weeks ahead but we will do all that we can to ensure a successful outcome and we ask everyone to support us in our efforts."
Full transcript of the statement delivered by Ian Paisley at Stormont today "In 2003 the DUP became the largest political party in northern Ireland and the last three and a half years has seen our strategy deliver very significant advances for the unionist people. "Our goal has been to see devolution returned in a context where it can make a real and meaningful improvement in the lives of all the people of this part of the United Kingdom. On March 7th, the unionist community gave us a mandate to deliver on this pledge. "On Saturday the DUP executive overwhelmingly endorsed a motion committing the party to support and participate fully in government in May of this year. This is a binding resolution. "In the past the government has set arbitrary deadlines, but now, as laid out in our resolution, we, as a party, have agreed the timing, the setting-up and working of the institutions. Today, we have agreed with Sinn Féin that this date will be Tuesday May 8th, 2007. "As the largest party in northern Ireland, we are committed to playing a full part in all the institutions and delivering the best future for the people of northern Ireland. "In the period before devolution we will participate fully with the other parties to the Executive in making full preparations for the restoration of devolution on May 8th. "This meeting represents an important step on the road to the setting-up of an Executive in six weeks' time. It has been a constructive engagement and we have agreed that in the weeks between now and the restoration of devolution on May 8th there is important preparatory work to be carried out so that local ministers can hit the ground running. "This will include regular meetings between the future First and Deputy First Minister. "The work must begin as quickly as possible and we have been considering a work programme to bring us to the agreed date for devolution which we are now asking the government to legislate for. "There is still vital work to be done to ensure the most favourable financial package possible is in place to allow devolution to succeed and prosper. To this end we have agreed with Sinn Féin to seek an early meeting with the Chancellor. "In the next few days detailed work will begin, involving all of the Executive parties, to allow a programme for government to be finalised for the start of devolution. This will require regular meetings in the next few weeks. "The two parties have already asked the Prime Minister to ensure that no water charge bills should be issued and the matter should be left for a local Executive to determine. We hope, trust and believe that the Secretary of State will listen to the voice of the people of northern Ireland. "After a long and difficult time in the province, I believe that enormous opportunities lie ahead for northern Ireland. "Devolution has never been an end in itself but is about making a positive difference to people's lives. I want to make it clear that I am committed to delivering, not only for those who voted for the DUP, but for all the people of northern Ireland. "We must not allow our justified loathing of the horrors and tragedies of the past to become a barrier to creating a better and more stable future. "In looking to that future, we must never forget those who have suffered during the dark period from which we are, please God, emerging. We owe it to them to craft and build the best future possible and ensure there is genuine support for those who are still suffering. "With hard work and a commitment to succeed, I believe we can lay the foundation for a better, peaceful and prosperous future for all our people."
Gerry Adams Article The following article was written by Gerry Adams and appeared in the 5th April edition of Village.ie: How the deal was done How Ian Paisley deserves credit for what happened, how Peter Hain lost the plot, how Martin McGuinness and Peter Robinson tied up the loose ends. Gerry Adams, the originator of the peace process, tells how the end game played out. By Gerry Adams, 28 March 2007 Ian Paisley is the one who deserves the credit for what he did on 26 March. It is my view, as regular readers of this column will know, that he was in the mind to do a deal for some time now. But he had difficulties. Part of Sinn Féin’s strategy was to remove those difficulties. Or to put it another way, to close down every option so that the democratic way became the only way. It was difficult to get the governments in London and Dublin on board for this, or, to be more accurate, for all aspects of this. They understandably have their own view, their own objectives and their own needs. And also being governments, they have a desire to be in charge or to appear to be in charge. On top of this the relationship between the Fianna Fáil/PD coalition and Sinn Féin has not been good for some time now, which is unfortunate. Electoralism rules in Government Buildings! Na PD abú. So the build-up to the 26 March event was shaped by dynamics within the DUP, and by Sinn Féin’s insistence that 26 March was an immovable deadline. A few days before the four executive parties were to meet with the British Chancellor Gordon Brown, Sinn Féin was advised that there were considerable difficulties within the DUP leadership. My own view was that whatever the truth or otherwise of this, there was no way that we could countenance any relaxation of the 26 March date for devolution. All negotiations run into turbulence as they reach a point of decision. The British however, or at least Peter Hain, appeared to be buying into the DUP difficulties scenario. When the Sinn Féin delegation arrived in London late on the Wednesday night, he and his officials joined us in our London hotel. We had to take account of the DUP problems, he said. An earlier DUP meeting with Tony Blair had not gone well. It appeared that Paisley was on his own. I had earlier received a similar account of this meeting from Jonathan Powell. So I wasn’t surprised. Peter Hain then went on to outline ‘the plan’. He said that he would devolve to the political institutions on 26 March but he asked us to agree that Sinn Féin ministers would accept “a self-denying ordinance not to exercise [our] ministerial authority until May”. He gave us a paper with a series of measures that he proposed our ministers should agree to. These included ministers agreeing not to announce any new policy initiatives or actions in relation to their portfolios; no ministerial visits unless agreed by the First Minister and Deputy First Minister, and officials would run the departments. And there was also to be an Easter recess from 29 March to 8 May for the Assembly. Six weeks off. A long Easter holiday – just what was needed to boost public confidence in politicians. I laughed uproariously as Mr Hain tried to plamás us into accepting this clever wheeze. We told him in no uncertain terms that this wasn’t on. When he and his team of officials left, we ordered soup and sandwiches, charged it to his bill, and considered our next move. It was obvious we had a need to be sensitive and sensible about the DUP’s difficulties. But we could not accept diminution of ministerial authority. We also felt that this was no way to do business. The Brits – hardly neutral players – going back and forth between us and the DUP with pieces of paper could unintentionally or otherwise exacerbate difficulties. The next morning in 11 Downing St, the SDLP, the UUP, the DUP and Sinn Féin met in advance of the meeting with Gordon Brown. I made the point that we weren’t a very cohesive group and that the meeting should be split into two parts. We had already proposed this to the Brits. The first part should be for us all to listen to the British Chancellor and the second part to respond. A half-hour adjournment would allow us to prepare our response. When the adjournment came I proposed that Ian Paisley chair our group. He agreed and seemed pleased to be asked. Under his tutelage we did our first business together. We each agreed to focus on specific aspects of the economic package so that when Gordon Brown returned, each party in turn spoke to particular matters. Ian Paisley was very good-humoured and focused. Nothing in the demeanour of the DUP delegation suggested difficulties in their ranks. When the meeting finished Mitchel McLaughlin, Bairbre de Brún and Mary Lou McDonald went out to speak to the media while Martin McGuinness and I went into Number 10 to meet Tony Blair and Peter Hain. Our meeting there was fairly laid-back and ranged over the DUP situation and the paper given to us the previous night by Peter Hain. Blair essentially accepted our rejection of this but he appeared to be worried that the DUP needed ‘something’ for that evening’s officer board meeting. We offered to meet Ian Paisley and Peter Robinson. I told Tony Blair that we would behave sensitively and sensibly but he needed to recognise that there were elements in the DUP, like Jim Allister, who were totally opposed to powersharing and who would not do business with Sinn Féin under any circumstances. He and his like could not dictate the agenda. Peter Hain phoned me later that evening and pressed for some other model or formula along the lines of the self-denial ordinance. I told him to forget it. He phoned me again early the next morning with more of the same and told me that Paisley’s officer board “went badly”. Paisley was going back to see Blair. I had to go to Dublin that day so Martin went to see Hain. He told Martin that the earlier paper was “off the table” and then gave him another paper which was essentially a watered-down version of what had gone before. We rejected that also and the rest of the day was spent in telephone communications, between us and Downing Street until the DUP arrived there and their meeting with the British PM commenced. I went to bed. Tony Blair phoned me at 9am on Saturday. He said the DUP were not going to nominate on Monday. This was the unanimous view of the officer board. They were prepared to go into government in May and wanted London to introduce emergency legislation to permit this. He told them that he could only do this if Sinn Féin agreed. I conveyed all this to Martin in Derry. We agreed that I would go to the opening session of the Ard Chomairle before travelling north to meet with him while he went to Belfast to begin the weekend’s negotiations. Saturday morning was a nice morning. I went for a walk along Parnell Street to stretch my legs and to take the air. The city centre was only starting to face the day. The women in Moore Street were setting out their stalls. There was a sense of spring in the air. Back in Ard Oifig I briefed our own officer board. We agreed that we could only facilitate the DUP if Ian Paisley was prepared to make an unequivocal public statement of commitment to be part of the political institutions in terms acceptable to us. An hour’s discussion at the Ard Chomhairle endorsed that position. It was my view that he would have to do this at a joint press conference but I did not mention this. I wanted to discuss it with Martin first. And so back to Belfast and another long weekend of to-ing and fro-ing. It’s too close to the events to detail this part of the negotiations at this time. Suffice to say, good work was done. Particularly by Martin McGuinness. Our resolve to be sensible and sensitive was tempered with our need to have any agreement articulated in a clear, public and unconditional way. The only possibility of accommodating the DUP in the way they wanted was if they made their presentation in the way that we wanted. This meant a joint press conference, an event and words that did not need interpreted or parsed. Citizens looking at their television screens know immediately that something different, something new and definitive had happened. By Monday morning the DUP had agreed to this but at 9.30am, there were still a small number of outstanding issues. Martin and Peter Robinson resolved these matters and by 10.45am, we agreed that the meeting could proceed. There was then the matter of what size the delegations should be. We had put half-a-dozen of our own people on stand-by. But as the clock ticked towards 11am, the DUP delegation grew in size. That suited us anyway. But gathering up extra people delayed us. So that my first words to Ian Paisley were an apology. For being late. He was in good form. Very respectful, gracious, and cordial. I suggested that he should chair the meeting. He agreed and said we should keep it fairly informal. We had already agreed an agenda and we went through this for an hour. The points covered included the current situation, the need for an economic package from the British government, the work of the next few days, the preparation necessary for government on 8 May and the water-rates issue. In the course of my opening remarks, I said that there were many challenges and difficulties facing us but I thought we were capable of dealing with them. There were many people depending upon us to do so. There were big issues which, at this point, we could not agree upon, but there were other issues that I felt were common ground, for example, the huge issue of disadvantaged communities, the scourge of drug abuse, and under-age drinking. We need to tackle poverty. The lack of social housing and deep difficulties facing rural communities. There was an urgent need for a suicide prevention strategy. I also said we needed to tackle the issue of sectarianism. We had all come a very long way. And this was the start of an entirely new beginning for all our people. Ian Paisley said that he felt that we could tackle these issues, that we both represented working-class people and that both sections suffered similar problems. Martin McGuinness and Mary Lou McDonald also spoke in the course of our discussions, as did Peter Robinson and other DUP representatives. The atmosphere throughout was relaxed. Then at 12 noon the live TV feed was linked up for the media. Ian Paisley looked at his script. He took a wee sip of water and began to read. The rest is history.
Historic return for NI Assembly
Northern Ireland has a new power-sharing government in an historic day at Stormont. DUP leader Ian Paisley and Sinn Fein's Martin McGuinness have taken their pledges of office as devolution returns to Northern Ireland. Five years of direct rule by London appointed ministers officially ended at midnight. British and Irish Prime Ministers Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern travelled to Stormont to witness the ceremony. In October 2002, allegations of intelligence gathering within Stormont led to the suspension of power-sharing institutions. A subsequent court case collapsed. Mr Paisley said Northern Ireland was now "on the road to prosperity". "I believe we're starting on a road which will bring us back to peace and to prosperity," he said. Mr McGuinness said he was confident he and the DUP leader could work together. "We've already taken joint decisions, but that was in the context of not having power," he said. Both Mr McGuinness and Mr Paisley paid tribute to DUP assembly member George Dawson, who died on Monday evening. William Hay was appointed as the new speaker, replacing the outgoing Eileen Bell. In nominating the DUP assembly member, Mr Paisley said the speaker in the next assembly would be from the nationalist community. Demonstrators protesting against the war in Iraq were forcibly removed by police after they attempted to block the arrival of Mr Blair's motorcade. The protesters, who had been standing in front of Parliament Buildings, ran down the hill to the Carson Statue and lay down on the road. Ministers from the four main parties are taking the pledge of office, which includes support for the police. The return of devolved government follows an historic meeting in March between DUP leader Ian Paisley and Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams, where they agreed to share power. Northern Ireland Secretary Peter Hain said he was confident the parties would make a go of it. VIP guests at Stormont include US Senator Ted Kennedy, the DUP leader's wife Baroness Paisley and Peggy McGuinness, the deputy first minister's mother. Also attending is Jeanette Ervine, the widow of Progressive Unionist Party leader David Ervine who died in January. The first meeting of the new power-sharing executive is scheduled for later this week. Watch the BBC video of the event on RealPlayer here
Adams - Today is a Good Day for Ireland
Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP has said that today is a good day for Ireland and another significant landmark in the process of transforming life on the island. Sinn Féin leaders from across Ireland are in Stormont as Martin McGuinness and Ian Paisley take up their positions at the head of the power-sharing government in the north. Among those in attendance are party President Gerry Adams, incoming Ministers Caitríona Ruane, Michelle Gildernew, Gerry Kelly and Conor Murphy. They will be joined from the south by Mary Lou McDonald, Martin Ferris, Gerry Murray, John Brady, David Cullinane, Padraig MacLochlainn, Joe Reilly, Jonathan O'Brien and Joanne Spain. Speaking at Stormont this morning, Mr Adams said: "Today is another significant landmark in the process of transforming life on this island. Today is a good day for Ireland. I want to thank and commend everyone who worked to achieve this. "I want also to remember everyone who was hurt or killed in the conflict. Over the weekend I spent time in County Tyrone with families of IRA volunteers killed twenty years ago today at Loughgall. Days like today must be about ensuring that events like Loughgall are never visited on another generation. "I genuinely believe that we are all shaping a real process of national reconciliation and building a new relationship between the people on this island and between Ireland and Britain. There are clearly many challenges ahead but have no doubt that all these challenges can be overcome." Political comment Ian Paisley, First Minister: "I believe we're starting on a road which will bring us back to peace and to prosperity. And I would challenge the people of northern Ireland to rise to the challenge today and be determined that come what may, we'll make this a country when all men and women will be equal under the law and equally subject to the law." Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister: "We've already taken joint decisions, but that was in the context of not having power. All of that is going to change in the next couple of hours, and by midday today, we're going to be in charge, and we're going to be charged with the responsibility of governing in the interests of the people. I think we do so in the belief and the sure knowledge that we have the overwhelming support of all of the people of Ireland for what we're about to do." Peter Hain, British Direct Rule Minister: "It's going to stick, I believe, because the DUP and Sinn Féin - Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness on the one hand, Ian Paisley and Peter Robinson on the other - these are the two most polarised forces in northern Ireland's politics, they have done the deal and that's why I believe it's here to stay for good." Gerry Adams, Sinn Féin President: "I think what today proves is that dialogue and perseverance and tenacity and persistence can bring about results. I want to thank everyone who contributed over a very long time in making this day possible. It's a good day for Ireland, it's a good day for all of the people of this island." Tony Blair, British Prime Minister: "There are people who still think that the compromises that were made along the way were unacceptable. But sometimes politics is about that in order to achieve a better end - and there are always two kinds of people in politics - those who stand aside and commentate and those who get their hands dirty and do." Edward Kennedy, US Senator: "A brighter day has dawned for the people of northern Ireland, and it would not have been possible without the commitment and determination by all of northern Ireland's political leaders to find a new way forward. Each of them is a profile in courage for our time and all time."
Face of Ireland changed in just 16 minutes The historical record will show that at 11.32am on Tuesday May 8 2007 in Stormont’s assembly chamber a line was drawn under the 1920 political arrangements partitioning Ireland. It took all of three minutes, beginning at 11.29am, for the failed partitionist institutions to be binned and replaced by a new set of political institutions fitting for the new era. The long, dark, divisive shadow of partition, cast across Ireland’s people for 87 years, receded as Martin McGuinness and Ian Paisley affirmed their pledge of office to be joint and co-equal first ministers. At 11.45am, 16 minutes after proceedings began, all the ministers of the new administration were affirmed. Sixteen minutes of time changed the face of Ireland’s political landscape and set the scene for the next phase of the republican struggle – the countdown to the reunification of Ireland. From this point forward through the operation of the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement – the all-Ireland ministerial council, the executive and assembly – all the people of this island for the first time since partition will be part of a single, island-wide political entity. Tuesday’s events were never on the radar screen for those who planned partition and its unionist and British practitioners. In 1932 the newly-opened Stormont building reflected the unionist ethos of the times. To its fore the statue of Sir Edward Carson, to its side the grave of Sir James Craig, all around it unionist east Belfast. Unionist luminaries protecting a parliament – the preserve of unionists. On Tuesday the building housed those with a story of a different kind – nationalists. A displaced people, a maligned people, a marginalised people at last found their rightful place at the centre of political power. As citizens of this nation they were entitled to be there but their ticket of entry was their determination to fight for their rights, to fight for the freedom of this country, to oppose the injustice of partition. Other republican leaders watched the proceedings in the chamber. Through their efforts they made the burden carried by Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness lighter. Declan Kearney, alongside them, navigated Sinn Fein activists through some of the most difficult decisions in recent times. Annie Cahill and Bernadette O’Hagan, partners of the late Joe and JB, republicans who spanned almost eight decades of unbroken resistance to partition. Mark Thompson, whose brother Peter was shot dead by British soldiers, Clara Reilly and Jim Clinton, whose wife Teresa loyalists shot dead, accompanied Paul Doherty and John McKinney whose father Paddy and brother Willie were shot dead on Bloody Sunday. They are the voices for their loved ones and others shot dead by the crown forces. The families of hunger strikers Frank Stagg, Thomas McElwee, Joe McDonnell and Kieran Doherty were there as was Barra McGrory whose father PJ represented the families of IRA volunteers Mairead Farrell, Dan McCann and Sean Savage, shot dead in Gibraltar. Louise Ferguson, whose late partner Michael was an assembly member in the previous assembly, mingled with others like Jean Fagan and Seamie Drumm, whose daughter Sheena Campbell and mother Maire Drumm were shot dead by loyalists. Leo Green, Sinn Fein’s political adviser at the assembly, also lost his brother John to loyalists. Fergus O’Hare and Gearoid O Caireallain represented the Irish language community with Jayne Fisher leading a large delegation from England. An equally large delegation from the US turned out and was personally thanked by Martin McGuinness for their valuable contribution. Michael Culbert and Rosenna Brown, ex-political prisoners, were there for that huge constituency. Bobby Ballagh, Ireland’s leading artist, recalled fallow times when revisionists held sway in the south. Basques and Palestinians still in conflict sought advice from South African government minster Ronnie Kasrils and drew inspiration from the day. It was an amazing day, packed with incredible scenes. It coincided with the 20th anniversary of the killing of eight IRA volunteers and a civilian at Loughgall by the SAS. Wherever republicans go we bring our martyr dead with us not with vengeance in our hearts but with pride. On Tuesday everyone in Stormont was entitled to feel proud. It was a good day and a fine start for a New Ireland.
British Army's 'Operation Banner' Comes to an End The British army's military operations in the six counties will come to an end at midnight tomorrow. Operation Banner is the British army's longest continuous campaign in its history with more than 300,000 personnel serving over 38 years. From Wednesday, all that will remain is a 'peacetime garrison' housing 5,000 troops, but not on active operations, and available for deployment anywhere in the world. Security will become entirely the responsibility of the PSNI and British soldiers will have limited responsibilities to support them. In a statement to MPs, British Armed Forces Minister Bob Ainsworth said: "This marks the beginning of a new era for the UK armed forces in northern Ireland when, as with other parts of the country [sic], the military will become very much part of the community. "The impact of the commitment since 1969 has been considerable on both the military themselves and on the MoD civilians supporting them. "They and the community at large have suffered both death and injury. "We should take this opportunity to remember the commitment, bravery and sacrifice of all those who have served over so many years in helping deliver the current, more settled and more optimistic circumstances." Last night families of British soldiers killed during the conflict gathered for a service of remembrance. The congregation at St Anne's Cathedral in Belfast heard claims that the 'sacrifice' of hundreds of Ulster Defence Regiment and Royal Irish Regiment soldiers had made political settlement a reality. The head of the British armed forces, Chief of the General Staff, General Richard Dannatt, was awarded a military cross for service in the six counties by the Colonel of the Royal Irish Regiment, General Philip Trousdell. Praise DUP MP Jeffrey Donaldson praised the British army and claimed the political progress that has been achieved in the six counties would not have been possible without them. Mr Donaldson spoke of the 'huge sacrifice' made by the British army, the Ulster Defence Regiment and the Royal Irish Regiment to secure peace in the north. The former UDR member also insisted that although the British army presence is being reduced, there should be no complacency about the need to increase those numbers if required. "It has been a number of years since soldiers and police officers lost their lives as a result of terrorism," he said. "Substantial progress has been made, but it is our view that we would not have got to the place we are in today with a relative degree of peace had it not been for the contribution of the army in holding the line during what was a very intensive terrorist campaign. "I believe the army has achieved its objective in northern Ireland in supporting the police in combatting terrorism. "As Operation Banner comes to a close and we move to a garrison of just 5,000 soldiers, we must not be complacent. "We need to ensure we have the capacity, should the need arise, for the army to step into the breach to protect northern Ireland. "Hopefully, that will not need to happen." Welcome end Sinn Féin has welcomed confirmation that "the almost 40-year British military occupation of the six counties, will end on July 31st". Gerry Kelly said the British army had subjected generations of nationalists to an "Orwellian nightmare of oppression". The North Belfast MLA said British troops had harassed and targeted ordinary nationalists as well as the IRA after their arrival in the north. He recalled the lengths the British army went to gather intelligence as the conflict intensified. "I remember around '72, when I was going about, nearly every working class Catholic's house was on computer," he said. "They used to walk into houses at night and count everyone there, from babies up, to keep check. "When you talk about (George Orwell's novel) Nineteen Eighty-Four, this was real Big Brother stuff, big time." Mr Kelly, part of the Sinn Féin team which negotiated the ending of Operation Banner, insisted the British military withdrawal is hugely significant. "We have had British troops and other crown forces on the ground now into a second generation, and it was an oppressive presence. "People were interned and it's now accepted that the majority of them were innocent. "Before they had intelligence, internment was being used as a weapon against nationalists and Catholic people. "Then in North Belfast, for 25 years the army were on top of the flats on the New Lodge Road. "You had the mother of Peter McBride, who was shot dead by two Scots Guards in 1992, living under an army post where she had to watch the regiment going up and down every day. "The harassment was so in your face. These are emotive words, but it was oppressive in a very personal way. "That's the type of thing that was put under the banner of counter-insurgency. But when you look back at it now it was the simple repetition of tactics that were used by the British army in every single arena in the world they went into as a colonial power. "It was a clever move to try and suppress a particular section of our community who were Irish republicans. But it also affected people who were simply Catholic nationalists." The military tactics also helped persuade many republicans to join the IRA's armed struggle, Mr Kelly added. "They helped to recruit into the organisation by their actions," he said. He also described the efforts to strike a demilitarisation deal as painstaking. "You could have negotiated for hours on end over a single military post. "But a lot of people are glad to see this day happen, and it will only help to generate inter-community dialogue." Sinn Féin's Newry and Armagh MP Conor Murphy also welcomed the announcement. Mr Murphy said: "The British military occupation of the six counties has blighted local communities for almost 40 years, not least in areas such as South Armagh. "Not only was land stolen from local people but communities were harassed and spy posts and other war apparatus blighted this area. "The British military occupation also brought with it the counter-insurgency 'dirty war' agenda, including the policy of collusion and the arming and directing of loyalist paramilitaries, the torture of civilians and the widespread repression of the nationalist population. "Sinn Féin made the demilitarisation of republican heartlands like South Armagh a political priority. We put this issue on the agenda and I am satisfied that the British army operation, started in 1969, is now finally coming to an end. "We will continue to press for the total end to the British military occupation of the six counties." Facts and figures The British army presence in the six counties, currently around 5,600, has been steadily dropping since August 2005, under 'security normalisation' or demilitarisation plans put into action in the days following the formal announcement by the IRA that it was continuing its struggle through purely political means. At its peak in 1972, the combined British armed forces presence in the six counties was some 27,000, although this steadily decreased until 1992 and the early years of the peace process when 18,200 were still deployed there. Overall some 300,000 British military personnel have been in the north since 1969, stationed at more than 100 army bases. At the height of the conflict there were 15 battalions in Belfast alone. The number of bases has also been steadily reduced and the hilltop army spy posts in the South Armagh border region have been dismantled under a strict timetable and overseen by the Independent Monitoring Commission. There are 17 British military sites still in use, although this is forecast to fall to 10 in the longer term. The British army was at the centre of a number of controversial incidents in which innocent civilians were killed, the most notorious being Bloody Sunday, when the Parachute Regiment shot dead 14 civil rights demonstrators on January 30th 1972. 'Official' figures show the British army was directly responsible for the deaths of 296 people, although evidence continues to mount that its soldiers were involved in shoot-to-kill operations and colluded with loyalist terrorists in many of the more than 1000 murders carried out during the most recent phase of conflict in Ireland. It was also responsible for arming unionist paramilitaries. British Army agent Brian Nelson, who was 'Director of Intelligence' for the UDA, imported a weapons shipment for the terrorist group from South Africa in January 1988. The haul included 200 AK47 rifles; 90 Browning pistols; around 500 fragmentation grenades; 30,000 rounds of ammunition and a dozen RPG7 rocket launchers. Many of these weapons were used in the murders of innocent nationalists in the following decade, including the murder of human rights solicitor Pat Finucane.
Victims Groups Call for International Independent Truth Commission A consortium of groups representing more than 1,000 victims of the most recent phase of conflict in Ireland have called for an international independent truth commission (see below). The groups include The Pat Finucane Centre, Relatives for Justice, Justice for the Forgotten, Ardoyne Commemoration Project, An Fhirinne, and Firinne Fermanagh. The groups say that the focus of such a commission should be on truth, and not prosecutions. Support Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP paid tribute to the groups' contribution in working to find a way forward in dealing with the issue of truth and the past. Mr Adams said: "Sinn Féin welcomes this important contribution made by the victims groups today on the issue of truth recovery. "The groups that have come together are to be commended for their dedication and commitment to the victims cause over the decades and in the enormous work on this particular statement calling for the establishment of an independent, international commission to deal with the past. "Sinn Féin is committed to finding a way forward on this issue. We accept that dealing with legacy issues is an onerous task. "However, it is critically important that the past is dealt with and a mechanism found which treats all victims equally and allows families of victims an avenue to acknowledgement, apology and truth. We are keen to assist such a process. "We believe the formation of this mechanism is the duty and responsibility of all political parties and wider civic society. Political posturing and political self-interest cannot be allowed to be an obstacle to moving this situation forward. "All of us have a responsibility to create the circumstances through which the needs of all victims are met." Mr Adams said the victims groups have provided a guide to this task and there is now a responsibility on all who are interested in the victims issue to respond positively to their work and properly discuss and lay out a template to deal with the legacy of the conflict. PRESS STATEMENT ON TRUTH COMMISSION We the undersigned organisations representing victims of the conflict believe that current investigatory, prosecutorial and judicial arrangements offer no realistic prospect of truth recovery for bereaved families. We believe that the only way to bring truth to the greatest number of families is through an international independent truth commission. This should be available as a mechanism for all victims who wish to have their cases investigated thoroughly. The focus of such a commission should be on truth and acknowledgement rather than prosecutions. The criminal justice system has frustrated rather than facilitated access to the truth. All combatant groups, British, republican and loyalist should co-operate in good faith and have a moral duty to do so. British and Irish State policies and actions and those of non state actors and the role of civil society in both jurisdictions should be examined. The commission should be mandated to establish the causes, context and consequences of the conflict. International law makes the case that states undergoing transition are faced with certain legal obligations, including: the provision of independent investigation of past violations, upholding victims’ rights, providing adequate reparations to victims, preventing future abuses, and preserving and enhancing peace. We believe that an independent international truth commission provides the best opportunity for truth recovery for the greatest number of those affected by the conflict. We believe this will contribute to individual and societal healing and recovery, dealing with the legacy of the past in a positive way and building a better future for everyone. Relatives For Justice
Troubles reconciliation body wants apologies and peace pledges Groups involved in the North's Troubles could apologise for their role and pledge never to use violence again as part of an ambitious five-year reconciliation plan unveiled today. More than a decade after the Good Friday Agreement charted a political path out of violence, an independent body has produced a blueprint to heal a society still divided after decades of conflict. The £300m (€323.7m) plan aims to investigate thousands of murders, search for the truth behind controversial episodes, tackle sectarianism and put agreed remembrance ceremonies in place after five years. The most controversial recommendation, however, is that the families of all victims, including dead paramilitaries, receive a £12,000 (€13,000) payment as a recognition of their loss. The Consultative Group on the Past, led by former Church of Ireland Primate Robin Eames and former vice chair of the Northern Ireland Policing Board Denis Bradley, published its proposals in Belfast today at a ceremony attended by hundreds of people affected by the Troubles. The group’s 190-page report, compiled after 18 months of consultation, made more than 30 recommendations which will now go to the British Government for consideration. “In Northern Ireland we are dealing with communities that have been in conflict for a long time, each as likely as the other to be in denial of the wrong that has been done in its name and of the goodness of the other,” the report said. “One of the goals should be to enable these communities to face the past together in a way that enables each to admit a substantial share in the accumulated and generic guilt of all the hostility ridden years.” The report’s authors, who had access to sensitive security material, raised concerns over collusion between security forces and loyalist groups and revealed that the number of agents recruited by the intelligence services was much higher than ever suspected. The report recommended: :: A five-year Legacy Commission with an international chairman to investigate many of the more than 3,600 killings. In a twin-track approach, it would offer relatives the chance to pursue prosecutions or forgo that to instead seek information on how their loved one died. :: It would work with a Reconciliation Forum to tackle issues such as sectarianism, while a £100m (€108m) bursary would fund projects to tackle social issues made worse by the Troubles, such as addiction. :: Relatives of every victim, regardless of their role in the conflict, would receive a £12,000 (€13,000) payment as a recognition by society and the State of the pain they suffered. Elsewhere, the report called for an end to the hierarchy of victims, often along sectarian lines, as being fruitless. :: There will be no general amnesty for crimes from the Troubles, but evidence gathered in the information recovery unit of the Legacy Commission cannot be used in court and the Commission may draw a line under the past when its five-year remit ends. :: The British and Irish Governments, plus the Office of First Minister and Deputy First Minister at Stormont, should implement the plan, while political leaders should back an annual day of reflection and reconciliation. :: At the end of the five-year period, political parties and the remnants of paramilitary groups should sign a declaration never again to kill or injure on political grounds, with the possibility that the Commission could recommend an apology to promote reconciliation. :: Public inquiries into the past which are under way would finish, but no more would be established. The winding-up of police units looking into the past would also help offset the cost of the new way forward by an estimated £100m (€107.9m). :: The Omagh bombing would not be covered by the new Commission, but it could help families resolve questions over the attack. The report opts to describe the Troubles as a conflict rather than a war, but it also highlights plans to tackle issues of major controversy: :: The report said allegations of collusion between security forces and loyalist killers can be the subject of a report by the Legacy Commission. It said: “Based on the information presented to the group, it considers that there remain serious questions to be answered concerning allegations of collusion.” :: It notes some communities bore the brunt of the Troubles and suffered at the hands of “their own paramilitaries”, plus a heavy security presence. It noted: “While the Group recognises that intelligence gathering is an integral part of security activity, the sense of oppression was even further increased by the numbers of people who were recruited by the State and induced to act as informers. The Group was told that a significant number of such agents were recruited, many more than was imagined at the time.” :: The report said those exiled by paramilitaries during the Troubles, claiming the figure is 4,600 people, should be allowed to return. :: The report makes no recommendation on so-called On The Runs, those sought in connection with crimes from the Troubles. But if the books are closed after the Legacy Commission’s five-year lifespan, the On The Runs could benefit. :: The public inquiry into the loyalist murder of solicitor Pat Finucane, and evidence that security forces colluded in his death, has not started as the family objected to the terms of the probe promised by government. The report said the Legacy Commission chaired by an international figure could inquire into the case. The document also challenges the North’s communities, its social, business and political leaders, and underlines the need to consider major social changes. :: It challenged the Christian Churches on ending sectarianism and raised the issue of education – with most Catholic and Protestant children taught separately. :: It called for legislative changes to open up services and employment opportunities to ex-prisoners. The report said: “The lives of those lost cannot be restored.” It added: “The dignity and courage of many victims and survivors is a testimony to their strength and an invitation to all in society to do everything in our power to stop our differences and prejudices spiralling downwards into the kind of violence that we have known in the past. “It is in all our hands to make sure we, as a society, do not create a new generation of victims.” Police Ombudsman Al Hutchinson welcomed the proposals, on the basis that his organisation will still investigate complaints against police, but be released from probing its current tally of 120 cases from the past. He said: “The recommendations are challenging and would seem to offer a very reasoned attempt to start a process that can deal with the many issues arising from Northern Ireland’s past.”
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Text of the Hillsborough Castle Agreement Agreement at
Hillsborough Castle Section 1 - Policing and
Justice 1. This text is an affirmation of our shared belief in the importance of working together in a spirit of partnership to deliver success for the entire community. 2. We wish to see this agreement reflect our willingness to ensure the Executive and the Assembly reflect better this spirit of partnership, mutual respect and equality which remain vital for the success of devolution. 3. We recognise the importance of improving the efficiency of the Executive and greater inclusiveness. The outworking of this agreement will allow the uninterrupted functioning of the Assembly and Executive. Section 1 - Policing and Justice Devolution timetable 1. Following community consultation the First Minister and deputy First Minister will table jointly a resolution for a cross-community vote in the Assembly on 9 March. Following affirmation of the resolution they will support all necessary steps in the Assembly to ensure devolution of powers by the 12 April. The Government will set out publicly the Parliamentary schedule for the related transfer orders required to effect devolution. Policing and justice powers will be devolved on that day. The Department of Justice - Model 2. The Assembly’s Department of Justice Bill, which completed its passage in December, establishes the new Department of Justice and sets out the arrangements for the appointment of the Justice Minister. It provides that there will be a single Justice Minister in charge of the Department of Justice which will be responsible for devolved policing and justice policy and legislation. The Justice Minister will be elected by a cross community vote in the Assembly following a nomination by any MLA. Identification of Justice Minister 3. On Monday 8 February 2010 the First Minister and deputy First Minister will convene a meeting of party leaders to consider applications of interest for the post of Justice Minister. The purpose of this meeting will be to allow the First Minister and deputy First Minister to identify which candidate they believe is best able to command cross-community support in the Assembly. Independence of Judiciary and Chief Constable 4. We believe that the independence of the judiciary is essential in a democratic society which supports the rule of law. It is of paramount importance that the judicial function remains independent of Government and immune from any partisan or political interest. Public confidence requires that judicial decisions are taken in a fair, impartial, objective and consistent manner. This confidence can only be maintained if judges are able to act with independence. 5. As part of the devolved policing arrangements the Chief Constable will be operationally responsible for directing and controlling the police. The PSNI will have operational responsibility for policing, and for implementing the policies and objectives set by the Department of Justice and the Policing Board. Addendum to Programme for Government 6. There will be an addendum to the Programme for Government (PfG) for the Department of Justice which will be drafted by the Justice Minister and brought to the Assembly for approval. We believe that in bringing forward his/her proposals the Justice Minister should give consideration to the following:
7. The necessary actions to support the agreed policies could usefully include, inter alia:
Relationship between Justice Minister and Executive 8. The Justice Minister will have the same status in the Executive as other Ministers – the Justice Minister will have the same standing in terms of attending and voting at the Executive and as with other Ministers the operation of the Department would be subject to his/her direction and control. In this context as with other Ministers the Justice Minister would have responsibility for operational matters within the Department. 9. Having regard to the particular responsibilities of the Justice Minister we have agreed that quasi-judicial decisions shall be made by the Justice Minister without recourse to the Executive. 10. The Justice Minister will bring any proposals he/she believes necessary to the Executive detailing how the Ministerial Code or Procedural Guidance should be amended to ensure effective decision-making in relation to urgent, confidential or other matters in his/her Department which would normally require consideration by the Executive. Pending the implementation of any agreed amendments to the Ministerial code or procedural guidance, the Executive would normally grant retrospective approval to any decisions in which the Minister had acted reasonably. However, the First Minister and deputy First Minister, acting jointly may require any matter to be brought to the Executive for consideration or agree jointly that retrospective approval would not be granted. Notwithstanding the above all issues which cut across the responsibility of two or more ministers, legislative proposals and financial allocations to the Department of Justice would require Executive consideration. It is expected that any new arrangements would be in place by the summer recess. Additional Financial Settlement – Letter from the Prime Minister dated 21 October Dear Peter and Martin, I promised to write to you setting out the elements of the financial settlement that you agreed to present to your respective parties. Our discussions on the finance have been careful, detailed and considered and I am grateful to you for the time you have given to them. Together we have, I believe, achieved an outcome in which we each have confidence and which will ensure that when policing and justice powers are transferred, the Northern Ireland Justice Department will have a secure financial foundation which we all recognise is important in ensuring confidence in the policing and justice services across the community. I believe the settlement which is outlined below is a good settlement which will meet the needs of a devolved Justice Department. The key elements of the settlement are:
I believe that this is a very strong settlement which will ensure that all the people of Northern Ireland continue to have high quality policing and justice services. Section 2 – Parades 1. The Parades Commission is tasked with regulating and adjudicating on parading. We are committed to a new and improved framework fashioned by all stakeholders and maximising cross community support. 2. The First Minister and deputy First Minister have agreed to set up a co-chaired working group comprising six members, appointed by them, with experience of dealing with parading issues which will bring forward agreed outcomes which they believe are capable of achieving cross community support for the new and improved framework. This work will begin immediately and will be completed within three weeks. 3. We recognise that support from all sides of the community has the potential to create a new improved framework for the management and regulation of public assemblies including parades and related protests. We believe that such a framework should reflect the key principles of:
4. The working group has been tasked to take forward work in the following areas, building on the interim report of the Strategic Review of Parading. This will inform the public consultation, as part of the schedule, as set out in the timetable below:
5. The working group by agreement may add to the above points. 6. The First Minister and deputy First Minister will promote and support the agreed outcomes of the working group. 7. We recognise that any improved regulatory framework must be capable of maximising cross community support. 8. Following the completion of the consultation process a Bill will be finalised. 9. The First Minister and deputy First Minister will support all necessary steps in the Assembly to ensure that the Bill completes all stages before the end of 2010. In parallel the First Minister and deputy First Minister will take the necessary steps to enable the reclassification of parades as a transferred matter. 10. Where there is a need, support will be provided to help local communities and those who parade to find local solutions to contentious parades and related protests. This will encourage local accommodation and will take account of lessons to be learnt from successful local models. It is envisaged that in the case of the most difficult situations, additional ongoing support will be provided to encourage resolution of contention. 11. We will promote and support direct dialogue with, and the involvement of, representatives of the Loyal Orders, band parade organisers, local residents’ groups and other stakeholders, as this work is advanced. We will also encourage the participation of local elected representatives in the process of resolution. This work will start as soon as possible. 12. The current adjudication mechanism of the Parades Commission will continue until the new improved arrangements are in place. Parading - Timetable Assumes maximum priority in Assembly at all stages. FM/dFM appoint working group - 8 February Working group begins work - 9 February Working group completes work and reports on agreed outcomes to FM/dFM - By 23 February Commencement of the drafting of Bill to implement working group agreed outcomes (working group to assist during drafting process to confirm Bill delivers agreed outcomes) - End w/c 22 Feb Draft Bill completed - Late March Assembly assumes responsibility for the parades legislation - Late March/early April Draft Bill published for consultation - Late March/early April Completion of consultation - w/c 8 June Consideration of consultation responses and finalise Bill - w/c 15 June Executive approves introduction of Bill in September - w/c 29 June Assembly summer recess (assuming returns on 6 September) Text of Bill submitted to Speaker and Speaker fulfils all formal requirements to legislate in the Assembly - w/c 6 September Bill introduced (at least 7 working days after submission to Speaker) - w/c 13 September Second stage - w/c 20 September Committee Stage (30 working days under SO33 – can be shortened with accelerated passage) - w/c 27 September Halloween Recess - 1 week Consideration Stage - w/c 15 November Further Consideration Stage - w/c 22 November Final Stage - w/c 29 November Bill submitted for Royal Assent - w/c 6 December Royal Assent (if urgency procedure can be invoked under s.15(3) of 1998 Act) - w/c 13 December Section 3 – Improving Executive Function and Delivery 1. Party papers have been exchanged during the Talks at Hillsborough Castle making suggestions on how the Executive might function better and how delivery might be improved. 2. The First Minister and deputy First Minister will seek approval from the Executive to set up a Working Group to consider all proposed arrangements and make recommendations. 3. The Working Group, which would comprise representatives from all parties on the Executive, should consider any proposals and make recommendations to the Executive for new and improved processes. Sir Reg Empey and Margaret Ritchie will be asked to co-chair this Working Group and to commence their work by the end of February. Section 4 – Outstanding Executive Business 1. Junior Ministers will chair a Working Group involving all of the Parties in the Executive and oversee an exercise of trawling for and identifying all Executive papers and decisions which are still pending. They will be tasked to provide a report to the Executive detailing the level of progress made on each outstanding matter and Junior Ministers will make recommendations on whether and how progress could be made on any and all outstanding matters by the end of February. This will include a programme of work detailing how any remaining outstanding issues will be resolved. Section
5 – Outstanding Issues from St Andrews 2. The First Minister and deputy First Minister will seek approval from the Executive to set up a Working Group to make recommendations on how progress could be made on those matters which have not been actioned. Junior Ministers will be asked to chair this Working Group and make an initial report by the end of March. 3. Within four weeks of the Working Group’s initial report the First Minister and deputy First Minister will agree a programme to effect completion of the agreed conclusions of the Working Group.
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