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Latest News 9th February 2010 |
Today's
News and the Week in Review
McGuinness
slams 'nonsensical' SDLP Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness has described the SDLP's position in relation to the transfer of policing and justice powers to the Assembly as "nonsensical." Mr McGuinness dismissed the SDLP's claims that it would be entitled to appoint one of their MLAs as the new justice minister using the d'Hondt mechanism. The Sinn Féin leader accused the SDLP of "not living in the real world." "The reality is that if this is done by d'Hondt then the SDLP would have the fourth choice. If we were to accept the SDLP's argument, it's certain that the DUP would chose this department and we would have a unionist minister in charge of justice," he said. Mr McGuinness continued: "Everyone knows that the DUP will not go for d'Hondt. The argument put by the SDLP is nonsensical," The Deputy First Minister also said Sinn Féin would support an SDLP appointee becoming justice minister if it was possible. "If there was a chance to have an SDLP justice minister, Sinn Féin would support that in the morning but there is no chance of that happening." he said. Mr McGuinness added: "I believe that the SDLP behaved disgracefully during the discussions on the process for appointing a justice minister." Discussing the SDLP's criticisms
of how Executive business is conducted, Mr McGuinness said: "People
seem to ignore that I have as many difficulties with the Executive
as anyone else."
Minister's
appointment 'corrupted' – Ritchie The SDLP leader Margaret Ritchie branded the current approach to appointing the future Justice Minister "a corruption of democracy", as a meeting of all the party leaders to consider applications for the role is delayed. Mrs Ritchie revealed that Alban Maginness will put himself forward as the SDLP candidate for the post when the meeting is rescheduled on Tuesday morning. "Since being elected leader of the SDLP, it's become clear to me that it will not be appropriate to allow my name to go forward as the party nominee for the justice minister", Mrs Ritchie told the media at Stormont. "The SDLP nominee will be Alban McGuinness who is very well qualified for the position." Meanwhile, the politician tipped to take on the role has once again cast doubt on whether he would accept the post. Leader of the Alliance Party David Ford said he is not yet in a position to nominate himself as the future Justice Minister. "We made our position clear back in December that there had not yet been enough progress, especially on building a shared future but also on the policies for the Department for Justice, for an Alliance nomination to be made", Mr Ford told UTV. "Now clearly there was progress at Hillsborough last week and there are still discussions ongoing. At this stage we are not at a position to put a name forward today but clearly there is potential there." The DUP and Sinn Fein have agreed not to nominate candidates from within their own ranks. While the Ulster Unionists and SDLP have greater electoral strength within the Assembly, the non-aligned Alliance Party is considered the only one that could achieve the necessary cross-community backing of both the DUP and Sinn Fein in a vote. But the Ulster Unionists and SDLP have criticised the notion of Alliance being the DUP and Sinn Fein's preferred choice, accusing the main parties of "gerrymandering" the selection. "The proposed approach to appointing a justice minister is nothing short of a corruption of democracy. We'll still make our judgement on the Hillsborough arrangement when we know what is on the table and more importantly what is under on the table," Mrs Ritchie said. "If the two parties won't reveal what they've already agreed then we'll be pressing the two governments for greater transparency". At Westminster, the Prime Minister described the Hillsborough Agreement brokered last week as a significant and defining moment. But Gordon Brown said the responsibility for making it work falls on all politicians. "Upon all of us falls the responsibility to make this work. Together we should complete this process of giving the government of Northern Ireland to the people of Northern Ireland with policing and justice in the hands of the Northern Ireland executive. The future of Northern Ireland is finally and truly in the hands of its people and I commend this statement to the House," Mr Brown said. First Minister Peter Robinson thanked the Prime Minister and Northern Ireland Secretary Shaun Woodward for their help in securing the deal, and expressed a "firm and unalterable commitment to ensuring that every element of this agreement is faithfully implemented". Under the terms of the Hillsborough
Agreement, justice powers are set to be devolved from Westminster
to Stormont on 12 April.
Make
legal opinion available to MLAs Robinson urged Peter Robinson has been urged
to make available to MLAs a legal opinion given to him over his alleged
breach of the assembly's ministerial code. A BBC Spotlight programme raised questions about Mr Robinson's knowledge of his wife's financial dealing. The SDLP's Alex Attwood said the legal opinion should be put into the Stormont library where MLAs could scrutinise it. Mr Attwood raised the matter when the assembly was officially informed of Mr Robinson's return as first minister earlier on Monday. The Speaker, William Hay, told the SDLP assembly member he should pursue his concerns by tabling questions rather than using a point of order. Financial dealings The BBC alleged that Mr Robinson did not report his wife's financial dealings to the authorities despite the obligations of the ministerial code. The government's legal service, the Departmental Solicitor's Office, appointed Mr Maguire QC to look at the issue. Last week, the DUP leader said Mr Maguire had formed the opinion, going on the information provided to him, that he had not breached the ministerial code. The BBC said it was standing by the allegations made in the programme. Separate investigations are being carried out into Mr Robinson's conduct by the Northern Ireland Assembly's Standards and Privileges Committee and the Westminster Standards Committee. However, the assembly inquiry
was later suspended after the police said they had launched a criminal
investigation into Mrs Robinson's financial dealings.
INLA
confirms decommissioning The Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) has confirmed it has disposed of its weapons. A spokesperson for the socialist republican group’s political wing, the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP) made the announcement at a press conference in Belfast this morning. Executive member Martin McMonagle said the INLA had been on ceasefire for 12 years and had now handed over all its weapons. “We make no apology for our part in the conflict,” he said. “We believe conditions have
now changed in such a way that other options are open to revolutionaries
to pursue and ultimately achieve our objectives.” “This was done in a process in accordance with international standards,” he said. “We hope that this will
further enhance the primacy of politics and that it will in time unite
and advance the working class struggle in Ireland.” The trade unionists confirmed
they had witnessed the destruction of a substantial amount of weaponry
and a statement is expected by General John de Chastelain, head of
the IIDC. “These events are further
positive developments as we look to finally close the last chapter
of the conflict and ensure a peaceful future for all the people of
northern Ireland,” he said. The INLA move was welcomed by Sinn Féin assembly member Gerry Kelly. Mr Kelly said: “The peace process has ensured that a peaceful and democratic path to a united Ireland exists. There is no support for or appetite for armed actions within the republican community. The INLA has recognised this by engaging with the IICD in this action. “Other small militarist factions, both republican and loyalist, who are opposed to the peace process need now also to reflect on their position, given the political realities of 2010, and end their futile armed actions.” The loyalist Ulster Political Research Group (UPRG), linked to the paramilitary Ulster Defence Association (UDA) which recently decommissioned its weapons, also welcomed the IRSP’s announcement. “We are sure we can speak for the widest spectrum of opinion in the loyalist community when we congratulate those who have shown great leadership within the socialist community and who have had the vision and taken great risks to create a new environment for the future where violence is no longer a viable option and where weapons are a thing of the past,” it said. The INLA is believed to have disposed of its arsenal in recent weeks. Four months ago the IRSP used a graveside oration in Bray, County Wicklow, to confirm its armed struggle was over and vowed to end its 35-year armed struggle. No regrets The INLA is believed to have been responsible for 111 killings from its formation in 1975 until its ceasefire in 1998, but it is thought to have been involved in a number of other killings since then, and in February 2009 claimed responsibility for killing a drug dealer in Derry. It came to world prominence in 1979 with the assassination of the British Conservative party’s spokesperson for the north, Airey Neave, by leaving a bomb under his car in the British House of Commons car park. A second IRSP spokesman, Willie Gallagher, today said the INLA would not apologise for the killing of Mr Neave. The former INLA prisoner said: “Airey Neave was a casualty of war. We have no regrets whatever about that particular action.” Asked if today’s announcement offered a chance to apologise for such attacks, he said: “The INLA statement clearly outlined that the INLA had no regrets for its involvement in conflict. “We viewed Airey Neave as an enemy combatant and a casualty of war. “Of course, we do sympathise with his family, like all families that have been bereaved on both sides. “We do regret all deaths, but we believe that deaths such as Airey Neave were necessary in the conflict and our prosecution of the war.” Under current legislation, paramilitary groups can use a certificate from the IICD saying they are moving arms from one cache to another to facilitate decommissioning. However, that legislation expires tomorrow any weapons subsequently found can be forensically tested and any evidence from these tests could be used in future court cases and possibly help secure convictions. Officials decommission The Official IRA, a relatively small organisation most active in the 1970s, also confirmed its decommissioning at a Belfast press conference today. In a statement, the group said: “We have emphasised our commitment to removing any doubts that may exist that there are any Official IRA weapons in circulation. “To this end an extensive nationwide inventory has been completed to confirm and verify that all such equipment has been located, identified and transferred to the decommissioning body. “Any other such equipment, which has not been submitted to the decommissioning process, has no association with the Official IRA.” The Official IRA emerged at the start of the most recent phase of armed struggle in Ireland when the republican movement split into the Official and Provisional IRA. The Officials declared a ceasefire in 1972, but later became involved in bitter republican feuds. It is understood to have killed around 57 people. The group said it had abandoned violence and indicated that public support for the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 and the wider peace process should be recognised. * British Prime Minister Gordon
Brown this afternoon told the House of Commons the loyalist South
East Antrim Ulster Defence Association (UDA) had also decommissioned
its weapons.
Obstacles
loom for justice post As nominations today open — and close — for the post of Justice Minister, the plan for a swift devolution of policing and justice powers faces three fresh challenges. Agreement between the DUP and Sinn Fein last week appeared to have overcome the biggest obstacle to the swift transfer of the sensitive powers. But yesterday three fresh obstacles loomed:
If the issues disrupt the carefully-crafted timetable for devolving policing and justice, they could threaten the chances of the powers being transferred within the tight timeframe which Sinn Fein and the DUP have agreed. There is also the potential that those within the DUP who are unhappy about the issue will become vocal in their opposition. So far none of the known DUP sceptics have praised the deal, despite their leader revealing on Thursday night that every member of his party voted for the agreement. UUP deputy leader Danny Kennedy last night warned that it was "in everybody's interests to discover what the so-called side-deals are and what they mean". "The section dealing with outstanding issues of St Andrews seems to involve something with the Irish language, an equality rights agenda and increased north-south cooperation. "There are also rumours surrounding the Presbyterian Mutual Society (PMS) – we need clarity on all these issues." Mr Kennedy said that his party had not made a final decision on whether to put forward an MLA for the justice job but said that it "looks like it has been set up as a coronation for the Alliance Party". But Mr Ford yesterday said his party was not yet in a position to apply for the post because policies for the new ministry have not been properly outlined. "On the basis of a leaders'
meeting tomorrow (Monday) there would not be an Alliance nomination,"
he told BBC Radio Ulster yesterday.
Stormont
faces first challenge after landmark agreement The North’s political leaders will today face the first challenge in implementing the landmark agreement to save the region’s power-sharing government. Democratic Unionist First Minister Peter Robinson and Sinn Féin Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness are due to meet to consider who will become Stormont’s first justice minister in 38 years. But that process already looks like being far from straightforward after the politician tipped to take on the role yesterday cast doubt on whether he would accept the post. Leader of the Alliance Party David Ford said the ruling DUP/Sinn Féin coalition would have to do more to tackle sectarian divisions before he would put his name forward. As part of the broad-ranging deal on law and order devolution and parade management announced on Friday, Mr Robinson and Mr McGuinness are scheduled to hold talks with the leaders of the Assembly’s minor parties to examine applications for the new ministry. Both main parties have agreed not to nominate candidates from within their own ranks. And while the Ulster Unionists and SDLP have greater electoral strength within the Assembly, the non-aligned Alliance Party is considered the only one that could achieve the necessary cross-community backing of both the DUP and Sinn Féin in a vote. But Mr Ford has insisted his party is not yet in a position to apply for the post, claiming policies for the new ministry have not been properly outlined. He is also unhappy that Mr Robinson and Mr McGuinness have still not published a long-delayed strategy to tackle divisions in society. “On the basis of a leaders’ meeting tomorrow there would not be an Alliance nomination,” he said yesterday. “If things change then things may change. But the current position is that we have not seen enough movement around a community relations strategy and around getting all the policies that we believe should be implemented by a department of justice.” Both the Ulster Unionists and SDLP have criticised the notion of Alliance being the DUP and Sinn Féin’s preferred choice, accusing the main parties of “gerrymandering” the selection. The current 11 ministries in the Executive were allocated using the D’Hondt system. If that process was re-run, instead of the cross-community vote in the Assembly, the SDLP would be given an extra ministry. However, in that case the justice post may well end up in the Ulster Unionists’ hands as they would pick their preferred portfolio before the nationalist party. Both the UUP and SDLP favour retaining the D’Hondt system. Under the terms of the Hillsborough Agreement, justice powers are set to be devolved from Westminster to Stormont on April 12. However a number of matters, including
the selection of a minister and proposed changes to the parades commission,
need to be resolved before that can go ahead.
Maze
Prison buildings to keep listed status Environment Minister Edwin Poots has said there will be no change to the listed buildings status given to some structures at the Maze prison site. Last June, Mr Poots' predecessor Sammy Wilson asked officials to consider if he could revoke listed status of the Maze hospital and part of the H-blocks. Mr Poots said an Environment Agency review concluded the listed buildings on the site merit such protection. Some unionists are unhappy about the listing of the Maze structures. They have expressed fears that they have the potential to become a "shrine" to republican hunger strikers who died in the jail in 1981. Republicans argue the jail is an important part of Irish history and would like the site to become a conflict transformation centre. A development corporation is to be set up to look at what to do with the former jail site after the then Sports Minister Gregory Campbell decided last year not to build a multi-sports stadium there. More than £350,000 has been spent maintaining the listed buildings on the site of the former Maze prison over the last four years. The high-security prison, built
to house paramilitary prisoners during the Troubles, was closed in
2000.
Gerry
Kelly receives death threat Sinn Féin’s Gerry Kelly has revealed that over the weekend the PSNI warned him that a group calling themselves the Real UFF ‘C’ Company have threatened to execute him within 24 hours. The threat comes after the latest in a long line of death threats against Sinn Féin members - this weekend Party President Gerry Adams was also warned by the PSNI that he was under threat. Mr Kelly said: “Police called to my house and gave me a form which said on it that they had received information through a public telephone, that someone had phoned in and said ‘Gerry Kelly from Sinn Féin is going to be executed in the next 24 hours’. “And basically that’s it,” he said. “I think this is the fourth one in a month or so.” The North Belfast MLA said Sinn Féin had to take such threats seriously, but that neither he nor the party would be deterred. “I think you have to take all of these threats very seriously - especially if there’s young people or children in the house,” he said. “And we will take it seriously, but it will not detract me or Gerry Adams or anyone in the party. We’re elected representatives and we will do the same things as we’ve been doing for years - representing people. And these threats will not put us off.” Mr Kelly said those behind the threats could be expressing frustration at the perceived political progress that has recently been made. “I suppose it’s no coincidence that the threat came at this point, just after the deal had been done on the transfer of policing and justice,” he said. “And indeed when it looked like things were moving ahead, there had been a series of these threats - so I presume that’s what they’re at. But let me be very clear - it won’t work.” He added: “I hadn’t,
to be honest with you, heard about the Real UFF ‘C’ Company
- but I did then read in the papers that they were involved in a number
of pipe bomb attacks on the GAA halls quite recently there. So we
have to take them seriously, but it won’t detract us from doing
our work.”
Death
threat to Gerry Adams The PSNI have warned Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams that a threat has been made against his life, the party said today. The death threat comes after Mr Adams was recently informed that the current threat level against him was “very high”. A Sinn Féin spokesperson said it was Britain’s security minister in the six counties, Paul Goggins, who told Mr Adams about the threat level during the recent negotiations on the devolution of policing and justice. “We are taking these threats very seriously. However, they will not distract the party or the party president from carrying out their responsibilities and seeking to advance the peace process,” the spokesperson said. The PSNI said its policy was to
never comment on the security of individuals.
‘This
is going to require all the parties to come on board’ - Woodward The deal to save the north’s power-sharing government was the “best possible agreement” for the people, Shaun Woodward said today. Britain’s secretary in the six counties said all parties now had a responsibility to make the agreement to devolve policing and justice powers to Stormont work. Mr Woodward criticised the Tories for establishing closer links with unionist parties, saying Westminster had to be a “neutral broker” during sensitive negotiations. Mr Woodward told Sky News’ Sunday Live programme the deal was the latest significant step in the political process. He said: “At Good Friday people decided to build on the land where they might one day have a house together. “At St Andrews they actually had the house. But this is the decision to actually move in together, share power, live together, make it work and complete devolution. “We should be very careful about being cynical, and we should also be very careful about one more thing: this is going to require all the parties in northern Ireland to come on board. “I’m very grateful for the support of the Conservative Party, who were out very quickly on Friday to say they supported this agreement. “But we have got to see all the political parties in northern Ireland come on board too. I very much hope that all of them will recognise that this is for all the people in northern Ireland and we’ve all got a responsibility to make this succeed. “And like all agreements, we all have to compromise to make things work. We can’t get everything that we want. But I really do believe this is the best possible agreement for everyone in northern Ireland.” Tory position The Tories have come under fire for forming an electoral alliance with the Ulster Unionist Party, fielding joint candidates. The Tory’s shadow secretary for the six counties, Owen Paterson, has also come under fire for hosting secret talks between the DUP and the UUP, said to be about joining ranks in order to prevent Sinn Féin becoming the largest party at Stormont.. Mr Woodward said: “There’s been a very fine tradition in the House of Commons now for a very long time, begun under John Major, of ensuring that actually there are no differences between the government and the opposition. “We have all got to be very careful of becoming involved in a situation where it is possible for people in northern Ireland to think that the government in Westminster has a position towards one particular party rather than another.” He added: “All of us have
got to be absolutely crystal clear that we are the unequivocal neutral
broker, that there is no selfish interest for us in northern Ireland.”
Alliance
stalls on justice post The Alliance Party is not yet in a position to make a nomination for the post of justice minister, leader David Ford has said. Mr Ford, who has been widely tipped for the justice job, said more work needed to be done "in progressing a community relations strategy". "So, on the basis of a leaders' meeting tomorrow, there would not be an Alliance nomination," he said. He added, however, that the situation could change. The DUP and Sinn Fein last week agreed a deal over the devolution of policing and justice powers from Westminster to Northern Ireland. An intensive round of talks between the British and Irish governments, Sinn Fein and the DUP went on for 10 days. The relationship between Sinn
Fein and the DUP - Northern Ireland's two biggest political parties
- has been strained for some time because they disagreed about the
timetable for the transfer of policing and justice powers from Westminster
to Stormont.
Ritchie
elected as SDLP leader Stormont Social Development Minister Margaret Ritchie was today elected as the new leader of the SDLP. The South Down MLA beat South Belfast MP Alasdair McDonnell in the contest to replace outgoing leader Mark Durkan. “I have an organisational plan and an agenda for change that will make us stronger,” she said. Mr McDonnell said: “We’ve got to back Margaret and drive the party forward.” Patsy McGlone becomes the party’s
new deputy leader.
Durkan’s
parting shot on road to Westminster Mark Durkan yesterday delivered his final address to the SDLP as party leader at its annual conference in Newcastle, County Down. In his speech, the MP for Foyle attacked Sinn Féin for agreeing to the appointment of a Stormont justice minister being made outside the d'Hondt system of proportional representation. “Changing the rules to deny a due outcome, to discriminate against a nationalist party and confer patronage and undue power on a pro-union party used to be called gerrymandering,” he said. “Today Sinn Féin call it “historic progress” and “the best agreement of all”. His decision to step down after eight years as leader has triggered a leadership contest between the party’s only Stormont minister Margaret Ritchie and its deputy leader Alasdair McDonnell. The new leader is expected to be announced around noon today. Mr Durkan decided to quit as leader of the Stormont party to concentrate on the politics of Westminster. Sinn Féin Upper Bann MLA and Assembly Group Leader John O’Dowd said: “I want to wish Mark and his family well on what is effectively his retirement from Irish politics. “Like Gerry Fitt before him, Mark has made a career choice. “He has chosen to leave the difficult work of leading a political party in the north and will now spend his time in the corridors of Westminster. “More powers are coming to the north; this is where change is being made and delivered to all citizens. “Nationalists and republicans have a job of work to do. “The dynamic for that work
is now firmly centred in Ireland.”
Protest
Against Section 44 & the PSNI As reported previously on this site, an average of 100 nationalists are being stopped & searched every day of every week by the PSNI under repressive legislation. Last year alone, at least 20,000 people were harassed by Britain’s political police under Section 44 of the ‘Anti-Terrorism Act’ and the Justice & Security Act 2007. éirígí activists have been among those targeted by the PSNI using these pieces of foreign legislation (PSNI Repression on the Rise). Yesterday [Saturday], just one day after an alleged new dawn in British policing in Ireland was declared, it was business as usual for the PSNI in west Belfast. Four éirígí activists were detained in the Beechmount area by the political police using the now notorious Section 44 and Justice & Security Act legislation. The car that three of the men were travelling in was boxed in by two armoured jeeps before the vehicle and its occupants were searched by the paramilitary police. Initially, the PSNI claimed they were detaining the men under road traffic legislation, yet, when the driver produced all the necessary documentation, Section 44 came into play. When John McCusker, the chairperson of one éirígí ciorcal in Belfast, arrived on the scene in support of the activists, he too was detained, searched and had his mobile phone seized on the spurious grounds that it was being used to “gather information likely to be of use to terrorists”. The éirígí activists in question, including national vice-chairperson Rab Jackson, had just hung large anti-PSNI banners on the Falls and Springfield Roads prior to being stopped and searched. The text of the banners read RUC- PSNI: Different Name, Same Aim and British Police Out Of Ireland. As the PSNI were leaving the scene, the officer in charge admitted that, far from investigating any ‘terrorist’ incident, the activists were actually detained for hanging banners critical of the force. In response to the increased use of repressive legislation against the nationalist community and the harassment of its activists, éirígí has called a demonstration at the Andersonstown Barracks site in Belfast on Monday night at 6pm. Speaking after the incident, John McCusker said: “The PSNI’s actions on Saturday morning were a prime example of what is wrong with British policing in Ireland. Using so-called anti-terror legislation to attempt to prevent people putting up banners exposes the deeply abnormal nature of British policing in the Six Counties. The fact that the PSNI have used Section 44 and similar legislation on at least 20,000 occasions in the last 12 months further illustrates that abnormality. “The banners that were erected were designed to highlight the fact that, despite the change of name, the primary aim of the PSNI is exactly the same as the primary aim of the RUC – to protect the British occupation of the Six Counties. Ironically the actions of the PSNI this morning proved just that point. The type of heavy-handed political policing that we were subjected to is exactly the type of thing the RUC were infamous for. “éirígí
intends to step up its campaign against the PSNI over the coming weeks
and months. Incidents like Saturday’s only increase our resolve
to expose the unchanged nature of the PSNI. We are appealing for as
many people as possible to join the protest in Andersonstown on Monday
to demonstrate that nationalists and republicans won’t be intimidated
by Britain’s police force in Ireland.”
Catholics
who join devolved PSNI 'in line of fire' says Republican Sinn Fein Police Service of Northern Ireland there to 'uphold British rule', despite devolution of control, say dissident republicans Young Catholic recruits to the Police Service of Northern Ireland are "putting themselves in the line of fire," Republican Sinn Fein has warned. Des Dalton, the recently elected president of the anti-peace-process organisation, told the Observer yesterday that the devolution of policing and justice powers to the Stormont Assembly would make no difference to groups such as the CIRA, Real IRA and Oglaigh na hEireann in their campaigns of violence. Dalton said the devolution of policing "had only re-arranged the furniture"; the house remained in Britain. "The Royal Irish Constabulary became the Royal Ulster Constabulary and they ultimately became the Police Service of Northern Ireland, the PSNI. But while the cap badge might change, the essential point of these forces remain the same. They are there to uphold British rule, they are integral part of the British state forces," Dalton said. "So it is worth remembering all the recent reports of Catholic PSNI officers being unable to live in the communities they came from. "Our message to young nationalists is that your place is not there in the PSNI. The logic of the situation remains the same – if you join a force that upholds British rule then you are putting yourself in the line of fire." Last month the Real IRA set off
a booby-trap bomb underneath the car of PSNI Constable Peadar Heffron.
The prominent Irish-speaking policeman who was captain of the PSNI's
gaelic football team, lost a leg in the blast and suffered serious
internal injuries. Constable Heffron is the cousin of Sinn Fein's
national chairman, Declan Kearney.
Another
good Friday Gerry Adams – Comment is free Northern Ireland has entered a new phase. The parties have at last shown they can work together It was another "Good Friday" in the peace process yesterday. Hillsborough Castle was the setting for the final piece of the jigsaw of devolution which saw agreement between Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist party on the transfer of policing and justice powers and other outstanding matters arising from the Good Friday and St Andrews agreements. Many had thought it wouldn't, couldn't happen. That our respective positions were too far apart. But it did, and it was achieved primarily as a result of very intense discussions between Sinn Féin and the DUP. This is a hugely important, as well as symbolic moment. This is the political parties in the north of Ireland demonstrating our ability to negotiate a successful agreement together. It marks a new phase in the process. The current crisis had been in progress for some time. Last year I had warned the British secretary of state that the political institutions were not sustainable in the longer term because they were not functioning on the basis of equality and partnership. Sinn Féin's strong view was that the governments were in default of their obligations as guarantors of the Good Friday and the St Andrews agreements. London and Dublin are not facilitators. Their function is not to "close the gap between the parties". Their duty is to uphold the agreements and hold the parties to what they had signed up to. Ten days ago a protracted negotiation began. Sinn Féin's focus was on getting agreement between the parties in the north. As the DUP finance minister Sammy Wilson put it, we needed a deal "made in Ulster" . But it could only be accomplished by the leaders of unionism working genuinely to secure a new beginning which would see the proper functioning of joined-up government based on equality and citizens' rights. The agreement that has now been reached will not only see the transfer of powers on policing and justice in April, but also by the end of the year the transfer of responsibility from London to Belfast for dealing with the issue of parades. We have also agreed a process to progress the rights of Irish language speakers, clear the backlog of executive papers and decisions which are still pending, and advance the all-Ireland aspects of the St Andrews agreement. It is a detailed and timeframed agreement. Of course, there will be some who will rail against it. The naysayers will study the details, seeking points of criticism. But they are the minority. The vast majority want this process to work. Public opinion in recent weeks has overwhelmingly favoured a deal. So, new and important progress has been made in consolidating the political institutions. The judgment on our success, however, will be in whether the process and the institutions deliver for citizens. As the parties negotiated, hundreds more job losses were announced in Belfast and Monkstown in County Antrim. The number of unemployed is rising; families are finding it increasingly difficult to make ends meet. There are increasing numbers of children living in poverty, while our elderly choose between heating homes and buying food. The reality is that for two years the executive and assembly have not been as effective as they should have been in developing strategies to tackle these problems. There is now a significant opportunity to change that. An opportunity to build a society based on respect, equality, partnership and fairness. Sinn Féin is an Irish republican party. As Martin McGuinness said yesterday, we believe in a united Ireland. And in two weeks' time we will be hosting a conference in London to discuss this very issue. But that doesn't mean that Irish
republicans and unionists cannot work together in the interests of
those we represent. We can, and Sinn Féin is determined to
make positive use of the opportunity that now exists to do that.
INLA
disposes of weapons caches The Irish National Liberation Army has decommissioned its weapons, days before the body overseeing Northern Ireland paramilitary weapons ceases to exist. The move took place in recent weeks and is expected to be confirmed on Monday by the INLA and General John de Chastelain, head of the IICD. The INLA was a small, ruthless group which killed more than 120 people, including Tory MP Airey Neave in 1979. In October, it said it would pursue its aims by exclusively peaceful means. The republican paramilitary group is believed to have been responsible for 111 murders from its formation in 1975 until its ceasefire in 1998, but it is still thought to have been involved in a number of murders since then. As recently as February 2009, the INLA claimed responsibility for the murder of a drug dealer in Londonderry. It came to world prominence in 1979 with the murder of Conservative Northern Ireland spokesman Airey Neave by leaving a bomb under his car in the House of Commons car park. It was behind one of Northern Ireland's worst atrocities when it killed 17 people in a bomb attack on the Droppin' Well pub in Ballykelly, County Londonderry, in 1982. The group's political wing, the Irish Republican Socialist Party held a parade in Bray, County Wicklow, four months ago and announced that the organisation had renounced violence. At present paramilitiaries moving weapons can use a certificate from the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD) saying they are moving arms from one cache to another to facilitate decomissioning. On 9 February, the legislation that allows the IICD to operate ends and any weapons found after that date can be forensically tested. Evidence from this could be used in future court cases and possibly help secure convictions. Last month the loyalist paramilitary group the Ulster Defence Association also decommissioned. The government had made it clear
to the UDA that after the legislation expired that they would be treated
as common criminals that the police would actively seek their weapons.
De-list
Long Kesh buildings – Ulster Unionists Ulster Unionist MLA Tom Elliott has repeated his call for the de-listing of the listed buildings at the site of the former Long Kesh prison camp. Having previously called on the DUPs Arlene Foster to act when she was Environment Minister, Mr Elliott now said that Edwin Poots should act where his party colleague had not. In a statement the Fermanagh and South Tyrone MLA said: “In July 2007 I issued a statement calling on then Environment Minister Arlene Foster to de-list the buildings at the Maze. She failed to do so, and her inability to act has fuelled the speculation that the site could be used for a terrorist shrine, a long term aim of republicans who like to romanticise about the troubles. “The reality is that this entire issue could be knocked on the head if Minister Poots took the necessary course of action and de-listed the buildings with immediate effect. Then we could begin the process of working towards their demolition. “The wider community certainly wouldn’t miss them. They are physical reminders of a horrendous part of our history, and they aren’t exactly ascetically pleasing to look at. Indeed, the people who would probably like to see the buildings disappear the most are the people who live in Lisburn and the surrounding area, Mr Poots’ own constituents. “This notion about the need
to keep the Maze is nonsense. The only part of the community who want
it are republicans, and the DUP appear to be quite happy to let things
sit lest they ‘rock the boat’ with Sinn Féin.”
Sinn
Féin endorses agreement Sinn Féin Vice President Mary Lou McDonald announced this morning that the party’s Officer Board has endorsed the agreement announced yesterday at Hillsborough Castle. Ms McDonald said: “The Sinn Féin Officer Board met following the agreement announced at Hillsborough Castle. During its deliberations the Officer Board discussed and endorsed the Agreement reached and commended the Sinn Féin negotiations team. “This is as an important and significant step forward for the political process and for the future of this country. “The long overdue transfer of policing and justice powers from Britain to the north of Ireland is a major political achievement that will be welcomed by people throughout the island of Ireland. “Sinn Féin wishes
to see fully functioning, effective political institutions that operate
on the basis of equality and which deliver for all of the people.
The agreement reached at Hillsborough is a very important step in
that direction.”
Why I
did the deal – Robinson First Minister Peter Robinson outlines why the Hillsborough deal is good for Unionism. The DUP made clear it would only do a deal if it was the right deal. After months of discussions we eventually achieved the progress we needed. As we have always outlined, there will now be a period of public consultation on the agreement. What we have is a fair deal and I urge all Unionists to consider it fully and not fall for the hysterical raving of some unionists. We have delivered a new start for parading. This will be the last year of the Parades Commission. I welcome the positive initial reaction from the Loyal Orders as we seek to resolve the parading issue. Throughout my time in politics I have always believed in Unionists working more closely together. I know Reg Empey and his party have a valuable contribution to make and want to explore ways in which we can make the Executive work better. Devolution of policing and justice powers will occur on Unionist terms. There will be no Sinn Fein Justice Minister. Unionists have a veto on who will hold this post. The appointment of the judiciary will be free from political interference. No politician will have any role in the appointment of judges. This is a lie peddled by the TUV that has no basis in fact. We have secured a sound financial settlement of over £800 million to underpin the police and judicial system. Money has been guaranteed for any additional security pressures that may develop. The Chief Constable has indicated that without this financial settlement, the police budget would have £68 million less next year. This is the equivalent of 1,200 police officers having to be sacked. We have delivered £20 million package for those officers who served as part-time policemen during the most difficult policing period in NI's history. We have a manifesto commitment against the introduction of an Irish Language Act. This was due to be introduced by Direct Rule. There will be no Irish language Act. The DUP made Personal Protection Weapons an issue with the Chief Constable and the Secretary of State. Appeals are now being positively examined and PPWs are being issued. The Security Minister has indicated that in the last month a large number of appeals have been successful. This new approach will ensure that many of those who faced losing their PPWs will have their licences restored. Yesterday was a good day for Unionism
which will further cement Ulster's place within the United Kingdom.
DUP sceptics
refuse to openly discuss accord DUP sceptics were loathe to speak yesterday over how — within the space of four days — they had changed from being opposed to the Hillsborough deal, to going along with it. At the start of the week, one of the much-publicised rebel 14 told the News Letter that he could not support an agreement that devolved policing and justice, “without nailing down the parading issue in tandem”. Yesterday, we contacted the same sceptic who was, at best, lukewarm about the deal. “I haven’t read it in its entirety,” he said. “It’s not what we want, but I suppose we have little option but to go along with it.” But another DUP sceptic MLA told the News Letter: “I’m very happy.” The politician, who was among those who were sceptical earlier this week, said all outstanding issues had been satisfactorily addressed. Speaking anonymously in the early hours of yesterday morning, the Assembly member would only say: “It is a very clever document. All MLAs supported the deal last night.” East Londonderry MP Gregory Campbell, seen as a sceptic, told the News Letter: “I will not be making any comment until the full details of the entire package are out in the public domain.” Upper Bann MLAs David Simpson and Stephen Moutray — in whose constituency Drumcree sits — were unavailable for comment. Calls to Mr Simpson’s office
elicited the response: “We are not commenting, but it’s
a good deal for Northern Ireland.”
Agreement
a ticking time bomb - Allister DUP nemesis Jim Allister has heaped scorn on his former party's claim that its policing and justice deal was good for the Province. The Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV) leader, who has long rejected any transfer of the sensitive powers from London to Belfast, said that the deal ran contrary to much of the rhetoric from senior DUP figures in recent years. Under the DUP-Sinn Fein deal, neither of the parties will take the Justice Ministry, meaning that the Alliance Party is likely to be given the post. However, Mr Allister said it was unnacceptable that Sinn Fein would still have influence on the department. The former MEP said: "After all its bluster about 'political lifetimes', pre-conditions – like no army council, no Parades Commission and retention of the Full-time Reserve – and the solemn pledge of a real consultation period, the DUP capitulated to Sinn Fein's key strategic demand that policing and justice be surrendered to their terrorist-inclusive Executive – something they have described as 'central to ending British rule'. "The pretence that this is in the interests 'of all the people of Northern Ireland' is arrant nonsense. "The minister will be a full Executive member subject to the toxic Sinn Fein veto on all justice legislation, all spending decisions, and all cross-cutting issues. The DUP previously pledged to keep the Justice Minister's action beyond the meddling reach of IRA/Sinn Fein, but again, Sinn Fein has won this argument." The TUV leader denounced the concession of a review of parading won by the DUP as a "risible fig leaf", adding: "Make no mistake, the Parades Commission stays. When what is proposed walks like the Parades Commission, talks like the Parades Commission and looks like the Parades Commission, it is the Parades Commission." Mr Allister also raised concerns about the section of the agreement which details action on "outstanding matters from St Andrews". "This means the Irish language, expansion of the north/south bodies and north/south parliamentary links," he said. "Just like the promise on policing and justice in the St Andrews Agreement was a ticking time-bomb for unionism, so the undertakings on the Irish language and north/southery will be the new smouldering opportunity for fresh blackmail, the next time Sinn Fein needs to gorge on DUP concessions at its next staging post. "How long before everyone
is back at Hillsborough as Sinn Fein threatens collapse again, if
the final roll-over on the Irish language or north/southery is delayed?"
Empey
gives guarded response to deal UUP leader Sir Reg Empey has reserved judgement on the DUP-Sinn Fein deal, saying he would take time to consult on its detail. Although the devolution of policing and justice within a matter of weeks was yesterday seemingly presented as an established fact, Peter Robinson has said — both publicly and privately — that he will not move on the issue without the UUP. Although Sir Reg is clearly unhappy at not being included in the 10 days of Hillsborough Castle negotiations, it is unlikely that he will in the end reject the deal outright, particularly as the Conservative Party, his electoral partner, is strongly supportive of devolving policing and justice. There has been speculation that the Ulster Unionists could withhold their support for the DUP-Sinn Fein deal when it comes before the Assembly, arguing that they were not involved in its drafting — but not oppose the agreement by voting against it, keeping the Tories happy and ensuring the Assembly does not collapse. Speaking to the News Letter, Sir Reg was guarded about what his party will do, stressing that he only received the deal document at 11am yesterday. But he said that some of the timings laid out in the agreement were unworkable: "We are supposed on Monday to deal with a nomination for the Justice Minister. "But to bounce us into on Monday that having been given the document mid-morning on Friday is totally unfair and unreasonable." Sir Reg said that the tight timeframe for the nominations showed that there was "not even a fig leaf" to cover the claim that the position had been "gerrymandered" for the Alliance Party. He also accused the DUP of not doing enough to bring his party into the negotiations, insisting that Mr Robinson could have forced Sinn Fein to allow the UUP and SDLP into the talks. "Since September I have been listening to him (Mr Robinson) talking about not moving without us but if that's the case why weren't we in the talks? "I have no doubt that he could have insisted he wasn't negotiating without us. "Sinn Fein constantly talk about equality and inclusion. However they have consistently sought and achieved the exclusion of two Executive parties." Asked how long he would take to consider the deal, Sir Reg said that he would not be "dragging it out for ages" but said the party was "entitled to take our time to consider it". "We will consider it, but the point is that we are starting from scratch because we're only seeing it now." Sir Reg also raised concerns about the "lack of clarity" in the section of the agreement which details "Outstanding issues from St Andrews". "What side-deals have been
done which are not in here?" he said.
Orders
should only march when welcome Letters Please excuse my ignorance, but why is it necessary for the survival of the culture of the Loyal Orders that they have to march in areas where they are not welcome? One would have thought - having 3,000-plus other marches and band parades - that these would have been sufficient for the survival of the culture. Orangemen have said that it's so that respect can be shown to them. If this is so, would they not first have to show respect to the people whom they want to visit their marches upon? It was said in the past that these were traditional routes, but try this analogy; you leave your old home and move to a different area, but you expect to be able to go back to the old house and walk in without first asking permission from the new occupiers. Recently, John Laird and others have tried to bring The Twelfth into modern times with Orangefest, saying that it was for everyone. One takes it that there is freedom of choice about attending. If so, why not try to make your marches attractive to non-adherents, so that they invite you to march in their streets? Patrick J Dorrian
Parades
issue the first item on new devolution agenda Parading has emerged as the first hurdle facing the new devolution-saving pact between Sinn Fein and the DUP. A working group to be set up on Monday has just two weeks to come up with firm proposals for a way forward on the controversial subject. Failure to find a workable consensus could unravel the next stages of the deal, particularly the scheduled Assembly vote in early March on devolving policing and justice powers. The loyal orders gave the deal a cautious welcome but said they intended to “examine in detail the aspects of the political agreement involving public assemblies and parades”. It recently emerged that the DUP and UUP held secret talks with the Orange Order at its headquarters in December. A spokesman for the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland and the Royal Black Institution said it viewed the agreement as a “positive step forward”. “Our initial reaction is that it is a positive step forward and we are pleased that people have been focusing on the issue of parading,” he said. “Everyone must now work to find the best regulatory system surrounding public assemblies and parades and we remain committed to playing a continuing and constructive part in that.” A spokesman for the Apprentice Boys was more upbeat, describing the agreement as “the new improved proposals on parading”. “The prize of an agreed regulatory and adjudication system is one which all sections of the Northern Ireland community should welcome,” he said. “We are heartened that our experience in Londonderry was of some assistance to those who worked for this outcome and trust that parading will now be seen as a cultural rather than a public order issue. “As ever, our approach will be constructive and supportive. “The Apprentice Boys of Derry look forward to what promises to be a new beginning to parading in Northern Ireland.” Meanwhile, republican Breandan McConnaith of the Garvaghy Road Residents Coalition (GRRC) in Portadown said he felt it was “impossible to say whether or not that legislation meets proper human rights standards”. He said that “the acid test for the proposals in relation to contentious parades will be how the right to live free from sectarian harassment is to be enshrined in law and how any proposals are placed within a framework based upon the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) in its entirety”. “For the past 12 years, the GRRC has consistently taken the approach that the right to live free from sectarian harassment must be a central plank in any decision-making process relating to contentious marches,” he said. “We have equally been consistent in stating the proper and full application of the ECHR in its entirety and not any selective or piecemeal application of the same, has a major bearing on the marching issue. “We have made both those
positions clear on many occasions to both the British and Irish governments,
to various political parties, to the Parades Commission and to both
the Quigley and Ashdown reviews of parades” he added.
Worrying
Times for Vulnerable Nationalist Communities éirígí chairperson Brian Leeson has warned that vulnerable nationalist communities cannot be sacrificed to secure the transfer of limited justice and policing powers to Stormont. Speaking following the announcement of a deal between the Six County establishment parties and the Dublin and London governments Leeson said: “While today’s announcement was heavy on spin, it was very light on detail. It is clear, however, that the DUP and Sinn Féin have agreed some form of trade-off on the issues of policing and sectarian marches. “It is inconceivable that the DUP would have agreed to that trade-off without securing concessions on sectarian marches through nationalist areas. The position of those communities across the Six Counties which have steadfastly resisted sectarian marches must therefore be weaker today than it was yesterday. “Sinn Féin, and to a lesser extent the SDLP, must now be asked what price have they have paid to the DUP and the British government. Have they agreed to sacrifice the people of the Garvaghy Road on the altar of British policing and justice? “The document released at Stormont today outlines an 11 month process designed to address the issue of sectarian marches. Like many republicans and nationalists, I wonder if that process will not simply be a charade of consultation with the outcome already decided. “We in éirígí unequivocally support the rights of all the people of Ireland to live their lives free from sectarian discrimination and harassment. To those communities who have bravely resisted sectarian marches in Portadown, on the Ormeau Road, in Dunloy, in Ardoyne and elsewhere, éirígí want to take this opportunity to extend our support, both moral and practical.” On the issue of the limited transfer of powers to Stormont, Leeson continued: “I have no doubt that Sinn Féin and the SDLP will present today’s deal as some form of victory for nationalists and republicans. But instead of victory, today’s deal is nothing but the latest in a long line of defeats at the negotiation table. “The most basic study of Irish history demonstrates that British governments have always been willing to allow loyal subjects to administer British rule in Ireland – once that loyalty has been established beyond question. “Regardless of the so-called transfer of policing and justice, the PSNI will remain a British paramilitary force, administering British laws in support of the British legal and judicial system. “Stormont can no more deliver on policing and justice than it can deliver on housing, healthcare, employment or education. Just like Leinster House in the Twenty-Six Counties, Stormont has failed and will continue to fail the people of Ireland. “éirígí
remains totally committed to building popular opposition to the PSNI
and British rule in Ireland, an opposition which we intend to step
up over the coming weeks and months.”
Robinson
wins admirers but friends still in short supply By Sam Smyth It is easier to admire Peter Robinson than like him. The professional skill he employed to deliver the deal at the eleventh hour of the tenth day of tortuous negotiation was estimable. It was equally impressive how he turned the 40pc of his party objecting to his proposals on Monday to unanimous support on Thursday night. And with an election looming, looking through that narrow DUP prism, it is easy to see why he declined Martin McGuinness' hand after yesterday's historic agreement. Mr Robinson, the consummate local politician, was more concerned with his own hillbillies than the people who didn't vote for him or the DUP. Yet a bigger man with better manners wouldn't describe a handshake with an opponent on such a momentous occasion as a gimmick. It would not have impressed US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and the US ambassador who lined up alongside the great and good of Europe to heap praise on him for delivering the deal. The Taoiseach and the British prime minister also lavished approval on Mr Robinson's talent as a political tactician and strategist. But affectionate anecdotes were significantly absent from the tributes paid to Mr Robinson yesterday. Yes, he has a charisma deficit but he is very intelligent and is a tough negotiator who gets things done. While he was caught in the dazzle of scandal following revelations about his wife Iris's fling with a teenager and her financial shenanigans, there was some sympathy for him. But feeling sorry for someone embarrassed in a mess not of their own making is very different from identifying with a likeable individual. And whatever else they say about his intelligence, skill and shrewdness, few have ever described Mr Robinson as "nice", "warm" or "friendly". While the DUP sulked behind closed doors over the past 10 days and Mr Robinson choreographed their delaying tactics, a large number of people in the North grew embarrassed and angry. Mr Robinson and his colleagues dismissed them as the posh people of 'BT9' -- the postal code of a leafy suburb of Belfast like Dublin's D4. "They don't vote for the DUP, so why worry about them," say DUP activists. Yet the Robinsons live in great comfort with an income of nearly £600,000 (€686,000) last year plus a further £158,000 (€180,000) in expenses to pay staff. The DUP had no philosophical opposition to devolving policing and justice back to the North; they objected because Sinn Fein wanted it badly. And Peter Robinson is caught in a bind: his unfettered ambition wants him to be first minister but his basic instinct is to keep nationalists and republicans in their place. Like most DUP folk, he sees little difference between the SDLP and Sinn Fein and treats them both with unrelenting suspicion and barely disguised disdain. In less than four weeks he has come through a blistering personal scandal where he had to stand aside from his office as first minister to triumphant leader delivering the agreement yesterday. Many of the DUP's supporters don't like the deal with Sinn Fein but know they must accept it -- and after he has delivered it, Mr Robinson might be sent home to spend more time with his family. Or go on to become Northern Ireland's
F W De Klerk, only less likeable than the Nobel laureate Afrikaner.
David
Gordon: First Minister has tough selling job ahead The deal at Hillsborough Castle ties the DUP's prospects in with the fortunes of Stormont's power-sharing administration. It will not be fighting the General Election on a platform of having faced down Sinn Fein demands for the devolution of policing powers. Instead, it will presumably present itself as having taken tough decisions in the interests of unionism and to move Northern Ireland forward. That will require the new deal to stick, which means Peter Robinson has an important selling job. He will enjoy the fact that he kept his MLAs on board this week, despite all the speculation about divisions. However, some colleagues were hardly rushing to stand shoulder to shoulder with him yesterday. The first crunch issue is looming, with the new panel on parading given until February 23 to produce a way forward. Will it contain enough to convince all DUP MLAs to vote for the devolution of policing powers in early March? The expectation is that the Parades Commission will be replaced. But the overall balance of power is unlikely to shift significantly towards the loyal orders. When it comes to disputed routes, it will remain messy and complicated, involving local dialogue and some rulings by a Commission-style body. The Ulster Unionists are in no hurry to give Mr Robinson cover. They have their own electoral interests, plus the scars from all those DUP brickbats over the Good Friday Agreement. However, Sir Reg Empey is in a delicate position too. The recent mixed messages on unionist unity and the Tory pact could hardly have been sent out at a worse time. Saying no to this week's deal seems a non-starter. It is supposed to be in the pro-power sharing camp and the TUV has anyway already claimed the ground to the DUP's right. Sir Reg's pact partner David Cameron
will want the deal to work. If he makes it to Downing Street, he will
have enough to do without worrying about Stormont.
David
Gordon: Republicans benefit if they’re seen to ‘deliver’
The devolution of policing and justice powers has long been top of Sinn Fein's Stormont priority list. If it placed a tick against it last night, it should have been in pencil. That's because the question of what the DUP will gain on the parades issue has not yet been answered — at least in public. Parading reform proposals have to be on the table two weeks before the scheduled March 7 Assembly vote on the handover of policing powers. The two parties need each other to make the new deal work. Sinn Fein has set a lot of store on securing the transfer of security powers. It will talk up the symbolism involved, as part of its propaganda battle with dissidents. And it is also in need of something concrete to show voters from its time in power. Other demands on the republican wish list — like an Irish Language Act and enhanced north/south institutions — still remain unresolved. They are to be left to a new Executive working group, which could be a forum for yet more wrangling. Unlike the DUP, Sinn Fein has yet to suffer any electoral fallout from being jointly at the helm of the “dysfunctional” Executive. However, it will be fighting the General Election with Caitriona Ruane's less-than-popular school transfer system to defend. Then there is the scandal surrounding the abuse allegations against Liam Adams, brother of the party president. That is also likely to cause further damage to the party's already ailing fortunes in the Republic of Ireland. The Stormont Assembly clearly remains its best prospect. It has now got a date for policing powers, something that was not nailed down in the St Andrew’s Agreement. With more than a little help from London and Dublin, the date has been named without the “nuclear option” of Martin McGuinness resigning as a Deputy First Minister. Now the task for Sinn Fein is to make sure the deal is delivered. As one of the architects of the peace process, the SDLP might be expected to do all it can to help. But that would hardly enhance
its electoral chances.
Deal
a staging post on path to greater equality - Adams REACTION: The Hillsborough agreement is not the end of all difficulties but is “a staging post” along the path to greater equality, Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams said. “This isn’t all going to be all hunky-dory. This is very much a staging post, there are lots of other issues that need to be dealt with such as citizens’ rights and equality,” he told RTÉ, shortly before the British and Irish premiers arrived at Hillsborough. Mr Adams said the mood of the talks with the DUP depended on who was across the table from Sinn Féin. “Some of these guys are dinosaurs,” he said. “But there are others who are more pragmatic and who live in the real world. When we got sitting with them that’s when we made progress.” He added: “When we got the governments out of it to a certain degree, more specifically the British and Northern Ireland Office, we were able to neutralise distractions and diversions that they were putting into negotiations in what they thought were the best interests of unionism. “The governments were to fault in many ways on this agreement and the British government particularly. The Irish Government was distracted by certain issues, too.” He said this was not to take away from the work of the Taoiseach and Minister for Foreign Affairs Micheál Martin. SDLP leader Mark Durkan, who steps down from his party’s leadership today, said he always thought a deal would be “scrambled over the line”. “We will have to take our turn with other parties in proofing what is proposed, not trying to create problems, but pre-empting any possible shortcomings or problems there are with it so we can actually improve it.” Alliance leader David Ford, the man tipped to become minister for justice, said the agreement was a major advance. But he insisted more work needed to be done on other policies, including community relations. Ulster Unionist leader Sir Reg Empey raised the plight of savers with the crisis-hit Presbyterian Mutual Society. “I would sincerely hope and pray that much as we support them and will continue to do so, there cannot be any link between their rights as citizens to receive their money back and any political side-deal.” The agreement was attacked by Traditional Unionist Voice leader Jim Allister. “Roll-over unionism is still delivering – delivering the Sinn Féin agenda,” he said. In a statement the Orange Order offered a qualified welcome. “Our initial reaction is that it is a positive step forward and we are pleased that people have been focusing on the issue of parading.” PSNI chief constable Matt Baggot
welcomed the deal as did Policing Board chairman Barry Gilligan and
the chairman of the Police Federation, the rank and file officers’
union.
SDLP
leader Mark Durkan steps down Mark Durkan will step down today as the leader of the SDLP in Northern Ireland, after 10 years at the helm. The former finance minister in the Stormont Executive now plans to concentrate on his role at Westminster. The decision about his departure was announced in September 2009. His successor will be selected at the party's conference this weekend. Meanwhile, US President Barack Obama has welcomed the North's power-sharing deal, saying it is an important step on the path to greater peace and prosperity. Mr Obama said he was looking forward to meeting the political leaders who struck the agreement when they travel to the White House for St Patrick's Day. There has been a broad welcome for the deal that could see policing and justice powers devolved to the Northern Assembly on 12 April. The agreement was reached after
10 days of negotiations between Sinn Féin and the DUP.
Does
this deal secure the future? By Mark Devenport BBC NI political editor It began with real fears that Sinn Fein's Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness might resign and a breakneck rush by Gordon Brown and Brian Cowen to Hillsborough to stave off the imminent collapse of the Stormont Assembly. It continued through 10 days and almost as many nights of negotiations, interspersed with waves of optimism and pessimism about the outcome. This week began with apparent rebellion within the DUP ranks when 14 of the party's assembly members voted against the latest proposals from Hillsborough brought back by their leader Peter Robinson. Then came a late-night meeting at Stormont during which the doubters withdrew their opposition and set the scene for Friday's breakfast return visit from the two prime ministers. At the news conference launching the Hillsborough Agreement, the leaders engaged in rhetoric about a new spirit of cooperation and local politics coming of age. But does this deal, as the prime minister claimed, secure Northern Ireland's future? In the short term it has prevented the immediate collapse of the Assembly, which would have probably led to a snap election. Should this have resulted in a three-way split within unionism, between the DUP, Ulster Unionists and the Traditional Unionists, it could have proven very difficult for the British and Irish governments to resuscitate power sharing. Such an outcome would probably have triggered attempts to comprehensively renegotiate the nature of the coalition government constructed under the Good Friday Agreement. The Hillsborough deal does not envisage such a radical reform, although it does pledge a re-examination of the poor internal workings of the power sharing executive. However, it does promise a new start to the disruptive issue of contentious parades. Although recent marching seasons have been far less violent than the days of the tense stand-offs at Drumcree during the 1990s, these marches still cause violence in a handful of trouble spots. The deal talks about creating new structures with a greater emphasis on local mediation, dialogue and transparency. But it will require an increase in the levels of trust, both on the streets and in the Assembly, if the twin problems of parading and politics are to be overcome. The deal is laced with interlinked dates and deadlines for both policing and parades which are designed to provide mutual reassurance for both sides. 'Clever device' However, they could turn into obstacles if they are not met as envisaged. No sooner had he left Hillsborough to attend a Haiti fund raising event in Lisburn, than Peter Robinson was talking about having "a clever device" to ensure full compliance. He wouldn't elaborate on quite what he meant, but it's clear that the DUP insisted on a tight three-week timescale for the review group which is due to draw up the blueprint for new parading structures because it wanted the plans completed before its MLAs trooped through the Stormont Assembly lobby to vote for a new justice minister. There's also speculation that the first minister could threaten his resignation if he believes republicans have not stuck to their side of the bargain by December - the date by which the new parades structures should come into force. Such a swift resort to pressure politics belies some of the high flown rhetoric on display at the launch of the Hillsborough Agreement. If this saga started with Martin McGuinness threatening the so called "nuclear option" then Stormont remains a mini-model of the old cold war doctrine of "mutually assured destruction". No wonder one DUP source resorted to an old Ronald Reagan quote "Trust But Verify" to describe the spirit of this deal. Potential pitfalls include the reluctance of the Ulster Unionists to back the agreement and the annoyance of Alliance, who are expected to provide the new justice minister, about the failure to address their concerns about the so-called Shared Future Strategy. The anti-power sharing Traditional Unionist Voice will subject the precise relationship of the new minister to the executive to close scrutiny, in order to back their contention that Sinn Fein has indeed got its hands on powers over law and order. Moreover, the whole scheme for appointing a justice minister with cross community backing from both unionists and nationalists is a temporary measure which is due to expire in 2012 when the parties will examine their options again. In historic terms, this deal isn't as significant as the Good Friday Agreement 12 years ago or the DUP's decision to share power with Sinn Fein three years ago. But it has kept power sharing
alive, which is in itself no mean achievement.
Will
Northern Ireland's deal work? Jude Collins – Comment is free The success of the new policing and justice deal depends on unionist politicians shaking off their distrust of republicans Sammy Wilson of the DUP said it first – the good thing about the policing and justice deal that's been struck was that it had been made in Ulster. On Friday morning, Martin McGuinness of Sinn Féin quoted Wilson approvingly: that's how he felt too, McGuinness said, although he added that his Ulster was a nine-county one while Wilson's was confined to six. Neither man has much appetite for being told what to do by British ministers, but for republicans it goes deeper. Transfer of policing and justice is an integral part of a political strategy they've been pursuing since the Good Friday agreement and earlier. A few days ago, Gerry Adams spoke of policing and justice repatriation as "another staging post". The phrase jangled some unionist nerves but it chimed harmoniously with many more republicans. For Sinn Féin, the name of the political game for over a decade has been the patient transfer of rule from Westminster to Stormont. Health, education, jobs – all the bread and butter issues could and should be controlled and organised by the representatives of people here, not British ministers. Local politicians know the needs of their constituents better and can do a better job, it's argued, but that's not ultimately what motivates republicans. They believe that Irish politicians (and that includes unionist politicians) should make decisions about the lives of Irish people, not because they're more astute but because they have a right to. The transfer of policing and justice powers, though, was always bound to be uniquely difficult. Almost from the inception of the state, the Royal Ulster Constabulary was viewed by nationalists as the armed wing of unionism, and it was clashes between civil rights marchers and the RUC that signalled the start of the Troubles. The operation of justice and the prison system was equally fraught: internment, political status, no-jury Diplock courts, supergrass trials. It's hardly surprising then that dissident republicans see the transfer of policing and justice powers as the ultimate symbol of Sinn Féin betrayal. How could those who were once victims of British policing and justice now show such eagerness to be involved in the operation of both? The answer is simple: because Sinn Féin and those who elect them play a long game. When Quebec nationalists, in the 1960s and 1970s, were working for independence from Canada, their slogan was "maîtres chez nous" – masters in our own house. That's pretty near how Sinn Féin see things. The more controls are moved from the Westminster house to the Stormont house, the more the link with Britain will be weakened. Hardline unionists such as those in Jim Allister's Traditional Unionist Voice party also see policing and justice transfer as a betrayal, but they paint Sinn Féin as the enemy within. Republicans may have excluded themselves from taking the justice portfolio in the executive (David Ford of the Alliance party will almost certainly become the justice minister) but they will be privy to information about security that could have enormous implications for those with the task of administering policing and justice here. This goes down well with those in the TUV and a hard core in the DUP. Most others, nationalist and unionist, see the transfer as a final signal that Sinn Féin has cut its ties with its violent past. They also see it as Sinn Féin responding to the needs of its constituents. For some in nationalist and republican areas, crime and the proper operation of local policing are problems in urgent need of attention. Will the transfer work? It will
help modify a lingering suspicion of the police to be found in some
republican areas. It may also reassure those nationalists and republicans
who believe in the potential of genuine power-sharing. Ultimately
though, success or failure will depend on how many unionist politicians
can shake off a nasty little dictum learnt in infancy: never trust
a Taig.
Proposals
on marches to be studied Members of the loyalist marching organisations in the six counties have welcomed the promise of a new system for overseeing contentious marches. The Orange Order, Royal Black Institution and the Apprentice Boys groups had lobbied for the change which the DUP then insisted had to be included in the negotiations on the devolution of policing and justice powers. The deal agreed late last night sets out a timetable for establishing a system to replace the Parades Commission which currently rules on controversial marches in the relatively small number of locations where tensions still run high. The agreement outlines plans for a greater focus on local accommodation on disputed parade routes where nationalist communities object to the triumphalist marches passing their homes. The Orange Order today said: “The Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland and the Royal Black Institution will now examine in detail the aspects of the political agreement involving public assemblies and parades. “Our initial reaction is that it is a positive step forward and we are pleased that people have been focusing on the issue of parading. Everyone must now work to find the best regulatory system surrounding public assemblies and parades and we remain committed to playing a continuing and constructive part in that.” Garvaghy Road One of the most explosive parade flashpoints had been the Drumcree march in Portadown where marchers demanded to follow their ‘traditional route’ along the predominantly nationalist Garvaghy Road. But the Parades Commission regularly ruled that the march could not pass the nationalist homes. This infuriated loyalists into widespread violence in the 1990s that spread across the six counties causing death and mayhem. The Garvaghy Road Residents Coalition (GRRC) in Portadown, which represents nationalists in the area, today said it would have to study the new proposals and test them against human rights legislation. “At no stage during the past 12 years has the Orange Order in Portadown been denied the right to freedom of assembly. “At no stage during that period has any outright ban been imposed upon Orange Order parades in Portadown,” the group said. “Furthermore, and very tellingly, at no time has the Orange Order in Portadown ever sought to legally challenge the validity and lawfulness of any route restrictions imposed, as the Order is only too well aware that such restrictions are compliant with the European Convention on Human Rights. “Finally, it is important
that any proposed new processes are not permitted to disregard or
whitewash over the past record, or the violent and sectarian, intimidatory
nature, of contentious marches or to disregard the very tragic costs
and real human traumas which were inflicted upon minority communities
like ours in Portadown as a result of those marches.”
UUP will
not 'rush' deal decision Sir Reg Empey has said the UUP was reserving judgment on the Hillsborough deal after refusing to attend the round table meeting with the British and Irish premiers on Friday morning. During the negotiations, party leader Sir Reg Empey repeatedly complained that it had been kept in the dark. Sir Reg told the media he had only received the agreement at 11am on Friday. After meeting with his assembly
group at Stormont, Sir Reg said the party will not be rushed into
giving their response to the two governments. Sinn Fein and the DUP expect a response by Monday, when the First Minister and Deputy First Minister will consider applications for the new Justice Minister. But the UUP leader has told UTV the deadline was "totally unreasonable and unrealistic." "It will take us as long as it takes us", Sir Reg said. "The truth of the matter is people took whatever length of time over the last 12 days. To give us until Monday is totally unreasonable and unrealistic. We will not be rushed. We will do it right," he told UTV. The UUP has felt excluded from the talks, but "twice on Friday, Peter Robinson said it was essential to have the Ulster Unionists on board, as part of community confidence," UTV's Political Editor Ken Reid noted. Meanwhile, the leader of the Traditional Unionist Voice Jim Allister has condemned the deal. While, under the terms of the agreement, neither the DUP nor Sinn Fein will hold the new justice ministry, Mr Allister said he was outraged that the republicans will jointly lead a government responsible for law and order. "This is a Sinn Fein win and defeat for Unionism", Jim Allister said. "Even the DUP promise to ensure that the Justice Minister's actions would be protected from the Sinn Fein veto within the Executive has been broken." Leader of the loyalist Progressive Unionist Party Dawn Purvis welcomed the deal. "I think it is hugely significant,
it is what the people of Northern Ireland wanted, it is what all the
political parties wanted. It means we are not facing an election,
which would have been absolutely disastrous," she said.
McGuinness
welcomes agreement Speaking at Hillsborough this morning at the announcement of a deal on the transfer of policing and justice powers from London to the North of Ireland Sinn Féin MP and Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness said: “Cuirim fáilte roimh an Taoiseach, Príomh Aire na Breataine agus na páirtí uilig. “I am very pleased that we have concluded this agreement with the DUP. As everyone knows this has been a difficult negotiation. This is hardly a surprise given the reality that I am an Irish Republican and others here have a completely different view. I believe in a united Ireland. They want to maintain the union with England. “This should not mean that we are incapable of respecting each other, of treating one another as equals and proceeding on the basis of partnership, respect, fairness and equality. I am utterly determined to continue to work in good faith and with a good heart with my unionist colleagues. I want to work in harmony with Peter Robinson for the good of the entire community. “That is what Sinn Féin is about. We signed up for agreements on Good Friday and at St. Andrews and here today. We proceed on the basis of implementing these commitments. “We have agreed that the transfer of policing and justice powers to our power sharing government will happen on April 12th. We have agreed and put in place a process which will see the powers which oversee parades transfer to our administration before the end of this year. “We have agreed a process to progress the rights of Irish Language speakers and North/South aspects of the St. Andrews Agreement. Sinn Féin are in these political institutions to deliver for everyone. That’s what Sinn Féin Ministers and MLAs are here to do. I am a Minister for all citizens. “We are also agreed on the need to deliver for our community, it is what they expect. There are families and children living in poverty; elderly people feeling vulnerable and in fear. There are young families burdened by massive mortgages and in fear of losing their homes; people without jobs. “Our government needs to reach out to these people. It needs to deliver. We need to confront and defeat all kinds of hatred. With determined and courageous leadership we must continue to lead that shrinking minority out of the trenches of the past. In this I am confident we can be assured of the support of the vast majority of our people. We need to make life better for all our children and grandchildren. “That is what this agreement
must mean in practice. Fully functioning political institutions operated
for the people in true partnership and equality. Let us now all face
into the future with confidence in ourselves and in the people who
elect us.”
A New
Beginning? In November 2001, amid much fanfare, the British government re-branded the discredited Royal Ulster Constabulary with a new name, the Police Service of Northern Ireland. With the new name, the occupying power promised ‘a new beginning’ to policing in the Six Counties. Almost a decade later, it is now abundantly clear that, instead of delivering a ‘new beginning’, the PSNI has simply continued with the same failed anti-working class and anti-republican agenda of the RUC and Royal Irish Constabulary before them. The lie of ‘community-based’ policing has been exposed by the reality of increased draconian legislation, harassment and brutality. Since its conception the PSNI has:
Different Name – Same Aim Throughout history, Britain has deployed a wide range of tactics to maintain its occupation of Ireland. Coercion, negotiation, bribery, betrayal and blackmail have all been used at various times by the British state to suppress the right of the Irish people to self-determination. Regardless of these differing tactics, however, one element of British strategy in Ireland has remained constant for centuries – that of the locally recruited militia. From the Yeomanry of the 18th Century, to the Ulster Defence Regiment of the 20th Century to the paramilitary PSNI of this century, the objective of these forces remains unchanged. Despite the new name and the change of uniform the primary aim of the PSNI remains the same as the RUC, RIC and B-Specials before it. That aim? To protect the British state and British interests in Ireland. Front Line Force The British government and its allies in Ireland continuously claim that the PSNI is a normal police service for a normal state. Nothing could be further from the truth. The PSNI is just the frontline force of Britain’s ‘Axis of Evil’ in Ireland, with the British army and MI5 forming the other two elements of Britain’s tripartite of occupation forces in Ireland. BRITISH ARMY In 2009, the PSNI confirmed that the British army’s Special Reconnaissance Regiment was active in the Six Counties. The SSR – which is closely linked to the notorious SAS – is only part of the ‘permanent garrison’ of 5,000 British combat troops based in Ireland. These troops, and further reinforcements from Britain, can be rapidly deployed onto Irish streets and into Irish fields should the British government decide to do so. These troops answer directly to the British prime minister, not Stormont. MI5 In 2007, MI5 took the lead role in gathering ‘national security intelligence’ [i.e. protecting the interests of the British state] in Ireland, a role which had previously been held by the PSNI. In the same year, the largest MI5 facility outside of its London headquarters opened in the grounds of the British army’s Palace Barracks on the outskirts of Belfast. Whilst shrouded in secrecy, it is believed that this facility alone can cater for more than 400 MI5 operatives. At a cost of £20 million [€25 million], this massive building bears testament to Britain’s long term intentions in Ireland. And, just like the PSNI and the British army, M15 takes its orders from 10 Downing Street, not Stormont. ‘Transfer of Powers’ Will Change Nothing On February 5th 2010 the British government announced its intention to transfer ‘policing and justice’ powers to Stormont. Even if this transfer were to occur it will affect neither the function nor the form of the PSNI. The PSNI will remain a British police force, enforcing British law in support of the British ‘justice’ system. Like police forces across the capitalist world its primary aim will remain the protection of the state and the interests of the ruling class; interests which run in direct contradiction to the interests of the working class. éirígí understands there can be no meaningful ‘reform’ of British policing in Ireland, just as there can be no meaningful ‘reform’ of policing within the capitalist Twenty-Six County state. It is only through the restoration of national democracy and through the equitable redistribution of power and wealth that the long-term solutions to the issues of crime, policing and justice in Ireland can be found.
Full
Text of the Hillsborough Castle Agreement Agreement at
Hillsborough Castle Section 1 - Policing and
Justice 1. This text is an affirmation of our shared belief in the importance of working together in a spirit of partnership to deliver success for the entire community. 2. We wish to see this agreement reflect our willingness to ensure the Executive and the Assembly reflect better this spirit of partnership, mutual respect and equality which remain vital for the success of devolution. 3. We recognise the importance of improving the efficiency of the Executive and greater inclusiveness. The outworking of this agreement will allow the uninterrupted functioning of the Assembly and Executive. Section 1 - Policing and Justice Devolution timetable 1. Following community consultation the First Minister and deputy First Minister will table jointly a resolution for a cross-community vote in the Assembly on 9 March. Following affirmation of the resolution they will support all necessary steps in the Assembly to ensure devolution of powers by the 12 April. The Government will set out publicly the Parliamentary schedule for the related transfer orders required to effect devolution. Policing and justice powers will be devolved on that day. The Department of Justice - Model 2. The Assembly’s Department of Justice Bill, which completed its passage in December, establishes the new Department of Justice and sets out the arrangements for the appointment of the Justice Minister. It provides that there will be a single Justice Minister in charge of the Department of Justice which will be responsible for devolved policing and justice policy and legislation. The Justice Minister will be elected by a cross community vote in the Assembly following a nomination by any MLA. Identification of Justice Minister 3. On Monday 8 February 2010 the First Minister and deputy First Minister will convene a meeting of party leaders to consider applications of interest for the post of Justice Minister. The purpose of this meeting will be to allow the First Minister and deputy First Minister to identify which candidate they believe is best able to command cross-community support in the Assembly. Independence of Judiciary and Chief Constable 4. We believe that the independence of the judiciary is essential in a democratic society which supports the rule of law. It is of paramount importance that the judicial function remains independent of Government and immune from any partisan or political interest. Public confidence requires that judicial decisions are taken in a fair, impartial, objective and consistent manner. This confidence can only be maintained if judges are able to act with independence. 5. As part of the devolved policing arrangements the Chief Constable will be operationally responsible for directing and controlling the police. The PSNI will have operational responsibility for policing, and for implementing the policies and objectives set by the Department of Justice and the Policing Board. Addendum to Programme for Government 6. There will be an addendum to the Programme for Government (PfG) for the Department of Justice which will be drafted by the Justice Minister and brought to the Assembly for approval. We believe that in bringing forward his/her proposals the Justice Minister should give consideration to the following:
7. The necessary actions to support the agreed policies could usefully include, inter alia:
Relationship between Justice Minister and Executive 8. The Justice Minister will have the same status in the Executive as other Ministers – the Justice Minister will have the same standing in terms of attending and voting at the Executive and as with other Ministers the operation of the Department would be subject to his/her direction and control. In this context as with other Ministers the Justice Minister would have responsibility for operational matters within the Department. 9. Having regard to the particular responsibilities of the Justice Minister we have agreed that quasi-judicial decisions shall be made by the Justice Minister without recourse to the Executive. 10. The Justice Minister will bring any proposals he/she believes necessary to the Executive detailing how the Ministerial Code or Procedural Guidance should be amended to ensure effective decision-making in relation to urgent, confidential or other matters in his/her Department which would normally require consideration by the Executive. Pending the implementation of any agreed amendments to the Ministerial code or procedural guidance, the Executive would normally grant retrospective approval to any decisions in which the Minister had acted reasonably. However, the First Minister and deputy First Minister, acting jointly may require any matter to be brought to the Executive for consideration or agree jointly that retrospective approval would not be granted. Notwithstanding the above all issues which cut across the responsibility of two or more ministers, legislative proposals and financial allocations to the Department of Justice would require Executive consideration. It is expected that any new arrangements would be in place by the summer recess. Additional Financial Settlement – Letter from the Prime Minister dated 21 October Dear Peter and Martin, I promised to write to you setting out the elements of the financial settlement that you agreed to present to your respective parties. Our discussions on the finance have been careful, detailed and considered and I am grateful to you for the time you have given to them. Together we have, I believe, achieved an outcome in which we each have confidence and which will ensure that when policing and justice powers are transferred, the Northern Ireland Justice Department will have a secure financial foundation which we all recognise is important in ensuring confidence in the policing and justice services across the community. I believe the settlement which is outlined below is a good settlement which will meet the needs of a devolved Justice Department. The key elements of the settlement are:
I believe that this is a very strong settlement which will ensure that all the people of Northern Ireland continue to have high quality policing and justice services. Section 2 – Parades 1. The Parades Commission is tasked with regulating and adjudicating on parading. We are committed to a new and improved framework fashioned by all stakeholders and maximising cross community support. 2. The First Minister and deputy First Minister have agreed to set up a co-chaired working group comprising six members, appointed by them, with experience of dealing with parading issues which will bring forward agreed outcomes which they believe are capable of achieving cross community support for the new and improved framework. This work will begin immediately and will be completed within three weeks. 3. We recognise that support from all sides of the community has the potential to create a new improved framework for the management and regulation of public assemblies including parades and related protests. We believe that such a framework should reflect the key principles of:
4. The working group has been tasked to take forward work in the following areas, building on the interim report of the Strategic Review of Parading. This will inform the public consultation, as part of the schedule, as set out in the timetable below:
5. The working group by agreement may add to the above points. 6. The First Minister and deputy First Minister will promote and support the agreed outcomes of the working group. 7. We recognise that any improved regulatory framework must be capable of maximising cross community support. 8. Following the completion of the consultation process a Bill will be finalised. 9. The First Minister and deputy First Minister will support all necessary steps in the Assembly to ensure that the Bill completes all stages before the end of 2010. In parallel the First Minister and deputy First Minister will take the necessary steps to enable the reclassification of parades as a transferred matter. 10. Where there is a need, support will be provided to help local communities and those who parade to find local solutions to contentious parades and related protests. This will encourage local accommodation and will take account of lessons to be learnt from successful local models. It is envisaged that in the case of the most difficult situations, additional ongoing support will be provided to encourage resolution of contention. 11. We will promote and support direct dialogue with, and the involvement of, representatives of the Loyal Orders, band parade organisers, local residents’ groups and other stakeholders, as this work is advanced. We will also encourage the participation of local elected representatives in the process of resolution. This work will start as soon as possible. 12. The current adjudication mechanism of the Parades Commission will continue until the new improved arrangements are in place. Parading - Timetable Assumes maximum priority in Assembly at all stages. FM/dFM appoint working group - 8 February Working group begins work - 9 February Working group completes work and reports on agreed outcomes to FM/dFM - By 23 February Commencement of the drafting of Bill to implement working group agreed outcomes (working group to assist during drafting process to confirm Bill delivers agreed outcomes) - End w/c 22 Feb Draft Bill completed - Late March Assembly assumes responsibility for the parades legislation - Late March/early April Draft Bill published for consultation - Late March/early April Completion of consultation - w/c 8 June Consideration of consultation responses and finalise Bill - w/c 15 June Executive approves introduction of Bill in September - w/c 29 June Assembly summer recess (assuming returns on 6 September) Text of Bill submitted to Speaker and Speaker fulfils all formal requirements to legislate in the Assembly - w/c 6 September Bill introduced (at least 7 working days after submission to Speaker) - w/c 13 September Second stage - w/c 20 September Committee Stage (30 working days under SO33 – can be shortened with accelerated passage) - w/c 27 September Halloween Recess - 1 week Consideration Stage - w/c 15 November Further Consideration Stage - w/c 22 November Final Stage - w/c 29 November Bill submitted for Royal Assent - w/c 6 December Royal Assent (if urgency procedure can be invoked under s.15(3) of 1998 Act) - w/c 13 December Section 3 – Improving Executive Function and Delivery 1. Party papers have been exchanged during the Talks at Hillsborough Castle making suggestions on how the Executive might function better and how delivery might be improved. 2. The First Minister and deputy First Minister will seek approval from the Executive to set up a Working Group to consider all proposed arrangements and make recommendations. 3. The Working Group, which would comprise representatives from all parties on the Executive, should consider any proposals and make recommendations to the Executive for new and improved processes. Sir Reg Empey and Margaret Ritchie will be asked to co-chair this Working Group and to commence their work by the end of February. Section 4 – Outstanding Executive Business 1. Junior Ministers will chair a Working Group involving all of the Parties in the Executive and oversee an exercise of trawling for and identifying all Executive papers and decisions which are still pending. They will be tasked to provide a report to the Executive detailing the level of progress made on each outstanding matter and Junior Ministers will make recommendations on whether and how progress could be made on any and all outstanding matters by the end of February. This will include a programme of work detailing how any remaining outstanding issues will be resolved. Section
5 – Outstanding Issues from St Andrews 2. The First Minister and deputy First Minister will seek approval from the Executive to set up a Working Group to make recommendations on how progress could be made on those matters which have not been actioned. Junior Ministers will be asked to chair this Working Group and make an initial report by the end of March. 3. Within four weeks of the Working
Group’s initial report the First Minister and deputy First Minister
will agree a programme to effect completion of the agreed conclusions
of the Working Group.
Hillsborough
deal details revealed UTV has exclusively learned the details of the deal struck by Northern Ireland's politicians to devolve policing and justice powers from Westminster to Stormont. The Hillsborough deal is in five sections covering a wide range of measures aimed at making the Stormont Assembly and Executive work much smoother, UTV can reveal.
The deal was confirmed late on
Thursday night after DUP First Minister Peter Robinson announced that
his party had unanimously backed the deal.
NI devolution
set for April A deal to save Northern Ireland's power sharing government has been confirmed, which will see the devolution of policing and justice powers from 12 April. Taoiseach Brian Cowen and British Prime Minister Gordon Brown launched the deal in Hillsborough Castle this morning. Mr Brown praised the settlement saying: 'The achievements have been as great as they are inspirational. 'This moment and this agreement belongs to the people of Northern Ireland, all of the people, and now more than ever before so does their future.' The British Prime Minister said: 'This is the last chapter of a long and troubled story and the beginning of a new chapter after decades of violence, years of talks, weeks of stalemate.' He predicted that the settlement would help build a lasting peace. Northern Ireland's First Minister Peter Robinson welcomed the deal and said: 'There are some who will play politics with this agreement but the real focus in the months to come must be on building an administration at Stormont that our whole community identifies with and supports.' Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness said that as an Irish republican he wanted to see a united Ireland but recognised that unionists preferred to maintain links with Britain. He insisted both communities could and should live together in mutual respect. 'We need to make life better for our children and grandchildren,' he said. 'That is what this agreement must mean in practice.' Mr Cowen said today's deal laid the foundations for a new future. He said: 'That better future must be built on mutual respect for people of different traditions, equality and tolerance and respect for each other's political aspirations and cultural expressions and inheritance.' The deal between the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin includes new plans on overseeing parades. It comes after nearly two weeks of round-the-clock negotiations and brings an end to fears that the power sharing government could have collapsed on the policing, justice and parades stand-off. Earlier, Northern Ireland's First Minister and DUP leader Peter Robinson said his party's representatives at the Stormont Assembly had backed a deal with Sinn Féin on the devolution of policing and justice powers from Westminster. Flanked by DUP enterprise minister Arlene Foster and finance minister Sammy Wilson, Mr Robinson said all members of his party were behind the proposals following a meeting last night. Mr Robinson: 'The Assembly group asked questions and considered the matter and have unanimously supported the way forward.' The DUP Assembly group met for their late-night talks at Stormont amid fears that some may have rejected the deal after an earlier meeting this week where a significant number rejected proposals for an agreement. Sinn Féin and the DUP have been deadlocked over republican demands for the swift devolution of policing and justice powers from Westminster to Stormont. The DUP's executive is expected to ratify the decision made by its Assembly members later today. Last night's talks followed Sinn Féin's announcement yesterday that negotiations on policing, justice and parades had ended and republicans believed the basis for an agreement existed. 'Wonderful chance' – Adams Sinn Féin welcomed confirmation of the DUP decision. The party's president Gerry Adams said: 'I welcome the DUP's decision. We have been involved in what has been a lengthy stretch of negotiations. 'I commend the Sinn Féin negotiating team. I believe that the Assembly and political institutions can now proceed on the basis of equality, fairness and partnership. 'They also have to deliver for all citizens, that is the collective responsibility of all the political parties.' Mr Adams added later that the agreement was a great opportunity. He said: 'There's a wonderful chance now in a new spirit for us all to go forward. 'This is not just about structures or protocols, it obviously has to be about inspired leadership and people accepting in leadership positions that people want this to work.' He said he wanted dialogue on the basis of equality and paid tribute to Mr McGuinness's role in the process. 'If anyone is listening to what citizens are saying, if anyone is listening to what ordinary people are saying, those in the Assembly, including our opponents, are in there to serve people. 'What we need to do is serve all of the people and all of the citizens and if we keep our ears open to that, then that new spirit will flourish.' UUP not attending meeting However, in an early sign of potential discord, the Ulster Unionist party said it would not be attending the round table meeting with Brian Cowen and Gordon Brown. During the negotiations the party consistently complained that it had been kept in the dark. A spokeswoman said members wished to have sight of the proposed agreement before they give their response to the two governments. 'We have not had sight of this agreement and until we do we will not be signing up to it,' she said. The Ulster Unionist assembly group is due to meet at Stormont to consider its response later this morning. 'Game is up ' for dissident groups – Woodward Northern Ireland Secretary Shaun Woodward said 'the game is up' for violent dissident groups following last night's agreement. He said the agreement would 'absolutely' make Northern Ireland a safer place, and said it reached out to all communities in the province. Mr Woodward told BBC Radio 4's Today programme: 'This political agreement will be the last part of the jigsaw which is predicated on the entire peace process... 'If everybody embraces this agreement in the spirit with which it was created... I think people will see that this agreement is above the politics of any one-party interest, it is genuinely reaching out to the interests of all the people in Northern Ireland.' He added: 'The peace process has been built consistently on people putting the national interest of the peace of Northern Ireland above any single party interest and that is still a choice people will make. 'I am confident that in this politics of this Northern Ireland today, when it come to that cross-community vote, people will see sense, they will do what their constituents want and ensure that this final piece of the jigsaw enshrines the peace process itself.' Mr Woodward said the violence seen over the last few years was driven by a group of people who want to destabilise the political process and undermine peace. Mr Woodward hailed the 'leadership'
of senior figures in all parties in the talks, who had found ways
to compromise without giving up their principles.
DUP
backs power-sharing deal with Sinn Fein The DUP has said it has agreed
a deal with Sinn Fein over the devolution of policing and justice
powers from Westminster to Northern Ireland. PM Gordon Brown is expected to go to Northern Ireland later, along with his Irish counterpart, Brian Cowen. A plenary session of the assembly to discuss the deal begins at 0830 GMT. "We have had a very constructive meeting of our assembly group and I had the opportunity to put to them proposals which we have been working on," said Mr Robinson. "Everyone present believes that this is consistent with our election manifesto and pledges we have made to the people. "We look forward to going to Hillsborough and the document should be published." Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams said the DUP's decision had followed "a lengthy stretch of negotiations". Commending his own party's negotiating team, he added: "I believe that the Assembly and political institutions can now proceed on the basis of equality, fairness and partnership. "They also have to deliver for all citizens, that is the collective responsibility of all the political parties." On Thursday night Mr Robinson said there was a basis for a deal which he could recommend to his party and to the community. DUP assembly members gathered at Stormont at about 2200 GMT. "An essential element of the Democratic Unionist manifesto is the requirement for community confidence and we believe that this can be the basis of gaining that confidence," Mr Robinson said. "It does more than dealing with devolving further powers. It deals with how we deal with the powers that we have." The DUP decision has been welcomed by Alliance Party leader David Ford, who is widely tipped to be the new justice minister. He said: "This is what the people of Northern Ireland have waited so long to hear and it means that the Executive can get back to the real work of providing quality services and strengthening our economy. "We may face a few challenges in the coming months as regards the justice devolution process, but I am very hopeful that this will signal a new, more positive era for Northern Ireland." Snowmen However Traditional Unionist Voice, which opposes mandatory coalition with Sinn Fein, described the DUP as "snowmen who had melted". Its leader Jim Allister said: "The DUP MLAs who buckled tonight not only let themselves down, but, more importantly, let their country down." Referring to the fact that 14 DUP assembly members reportedly voted against a deal on the table on Monday, he added: "The deal the DUP so meekly accepted tonight is the same deal they rejected. "The deal hasn't changed, only the snowmen of the DUP who melted once the heat came on." Earlier on Thursday it emerged that policing and justice powers could be transferred to Northern Ireland in April if the DUP and Sinn Fein were able to reach a deal. Talks between the British and Irish governments, Sinn Fein and the DUP have been going on for the last 10 days. The relationship between Sinn
Fein and the DUP - Northern Ireland's two biggest political parties
- has been strained for some time because they disagreed about the
timetable for the transfer of policing and justice powers from Westminster
to Stormont.
What
will happen when policing and justice is devolved?
The DUP and Sinn Fein have reached a deal over the devolution of policing and justice powers from Westminster to Northern Ireland's power sharing administration. The move has been described as the "the final piece of the devolution jigsaw" but what will actually happen? WHO WILL EXERCISE DEVOLVED POWERS? A new post of justice minister will be created on the Northern Ireland executive. The minister's department will take over responsibility for many functions and agencies currently controlled by the London-based Northern Ireland Office. As well as taking over responsibility for the police, the new ministry will oversee bodies like the Northern Ireland Prison Service, the Public Prosecution Service, the Court Service, the Probation Board and the forensic science service. The justice minister will have to be elected by a cross-community vote in the Assembly. It is likely that the job will go to a member of the cross-community Alliance Party, most likely party leader David Ford. This cross-community provision will lapse in 2012 so there will need to be a fresh agreement at that time. HOW WILL THEY BE HELD ACCOUNTABLE? In common with the other ministers in the Northern Ireland Assembly, the justice minister will be scrutinised by a cross-party committee of assembly members. It is not yet clear how this will affect the Northern Ireland Policing Board, the body which oversees the work of the police. The majority of the board are assembly members. WILL THE JUSTICE MINISTER HAVE OVERSIGHT OF NATIONAL SECURITY ISSUES? No - several criminal justice agencies will continue to be controlled from London including the Serious Organised Crime Agency, Customs, the Borders Agency and MI5, the security service. MI5 has a large facility in Holywood, close to Belfast. Extradition matters will also continue to be controlled by London. WILL NI HAVE ITS OWN ATTORNEY GENERAL? Yes, the attorney general will be the Executive's chief legal advisor. The political parties have already agreed that the job will go to John Larkin QC, a Belfast barrister who specialises in civil law, including judicial review. He has acted for several leading politicians in Northern Ireland throughout his career. The Director of Public Prosecutions will continue to be responsible for prosecution policy, with the Attorney General having a consultative role but no powers of direction. At present the Attorney General for England and Wales also acts as the Attorney General for Northern Ireland. They will retain some functions relating to security matters in Northern Ireland and when acting in that capacity will be known as the Advocate General. WILL THE ASSEMBLY BE ABLE TO CREATE NEW CRIMINAL OFFENCES? Yes, however they will not be able to alter laws on terrorist offences or the classification of illegal drugs. They will be able to introduce tougher penalties for existing offences. HOW WILL ALL THIS BE PAID FOR? At present the policing and justice budget is controlled by the Northern Ireland Office. In future, that money will be included in the block grant that Westminster gives to the Northern Ireland Executive. It will then be down to the Executive to choose how to spend that money. The Westminster government has
already promised extra financial help for the Executive to deal with
"legacy costs" such as compensation claims from police officers
who damaged their hearing during firearms training.
Cowen
and Brown to put seal on power-sharing deal An Taoiseach Brian Cowen and British Prime Minister Gordon Brown will travel to Belfast today to formally announce details of the deal to save the North’s power-sharing government. Nearly two weeks of round-the-clock negotiations ended in success late last night when DUP members of the Stormont Assembly agreed to back the deal brokered with Sinn Féin. The settlement will see the devolution of policing and justice powers from Westminster to the Assembly within weeks, satisfying a key republican goal, while new arrangements for overseeing loyal order parades should meet the demands of unionists. The talks which centred on Hillsborough Castle are the longest set of continuous negotiations held in the near 20-year peace process. Brian Cowen and Gordon Brown will return to the venue today to meet all of Stormont’s main political parties before unveiling the terms of the accord. With Sinn Féin accusing the DUP of stalling on the transfer of policing powers for the last three years, it was feared that failure to find agreement could see the collapse of the power-sharing government led by the two parties. The final piece in the political jigsaw that sealed agreement came at Stormont’s Parliament Building last night as the clock in its Great Hall approached midnight. It followed Sinn Féin’s announcement earlier that negotiations on policing, justice and parades had ended and republicans believed the basis for an agreement existed. DUP leader Peter Robinson emerged from a late-night meeting of party colleagues to confirm that he had secured unanimous support for the proposals. Flanked by DUP Enterprise Minister Arlene Foster and Finance Minister Sammy Wilson, Mr Robinson said all members of his party were behind the blueprint for agreement. Emerging from the two-hour meeting, he said: “The assembly group asked questions and considered the matter and have unanimously supported the way forward. “Everyone present believes
this is consistent with our election manifesto and pledges that we
have made to the people. We look forward to going to Hillsborough
when the document should be published.”
Timeline:
How the Northern Ireland deal unfolded The breakthrough deal that saved Northern Ireland's power-sharing government from collapse came after the longest round of continuous negotiations in the history of the peace process. The epic summit at Hillsborough Castle was convened on the back of two turbulent months that saw the Stormont Executive plunged into crisis by the bitter wrangle between the DUP and Sinn Fein over the stalled devolution of policing powers. The political drama was played out against the backdrop of a series of shocking personal revelations about high-profile figures in both parties. Here are the key events in another remarkable chapter in the efforts to forge a more stable future for Northern Ireland: 2009 December 7: Sinn Fein Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness warns of deep trouble for the power-sharing administration unless a date for devolving justice and policing is agreed by Christmas. December 14: A routine media conference turns ugly when Mr McGuinness and DUP First Minister Peter Robinson engage in a very public spat over the failure to secure a timetable for the transfer. December 18: Gerry Adams faces criticism for his handling of sex abuse allegations against his brother Liam when his estranged sibling's daughter and alleged victim Aine Tyrell goes public with the historic claims. The Sinn Fein president, who later reveals that his own father subjected family members to abuse, vehemently denies any wrongdoing. December 28: DUP announces that Iris Robinson - Strangford MP and wife of the First Minister - is stepping down from public life because she is suffering from mental illness. 2010 January 7: Mrs Robinson's lover is revealed as 21-year-old Kirk McCambley (he was 19 at time of affair). A BBC documentary also discloses that the politician obtained £50,000 from two wealthy developers to help her toyboy set up a business, keeping £5,000 in cash as a cut and failing to declare her financial interest in the matter. The Spotlight investigation implicates Mr Robinson, alleging that he did not alert the appropriate authorities to his wife's dealings when he became aware of them. The DUP leader refutes the claims. On the same day, senior DUP figure Lord Morrow says he does not envisage devolution in the lifetime of the current assembly (next election is scheduled for 2011). January 8: High-profile Catholic police officer Peadar Heffron is critically injured in a dissident republican car bomb attack near his home in Randalstown, Co Antrim. Mr Robinson vows to clear his name and commissions an independent lawyer to probe his conduct. January 11: Mr Robinson steps down as First Minister for six weeks to give him time to care for his wife. DUP Enterprise Minister Arlene Foster takes over his duties. Remaining as DUP leader, he makes clear that he will continue to be involved in devolution negotiations. That night, DUP and Sinn Fein meet for the first meaningful talks of the new year. January 12: Party representatives meet for further negotiations as hopes rise of a breakthrough. While hardline DUP MP Gregory Campbell insists there is still not enough confidence in the unionist community for the transfer of policing powers, his party colleague and Finance Minister Sammy Wilson strikes a more positive note. Gerry Adams says talks are at a "sensitive and serious" stage. January 13/15: Negotiations continue, with both sides expressing hope that a deal can be achieved. January 16: Peter Robinson briefs party colleagues on progress of the talks. January 17: Senior DUP, Ulster Unionist and Conservative politicians hold secret talks in England about establishing greater pro-union co-operation in Northern Ireland. January 19: After days of upbeat noises from the DUP and Sinn Fein, first signs of trouble in the talks emerge. Despite rumours of tension round the negotiating table, DUP Environment Minister Edwin Poots denies there has been a "wobble". January 22: Sinn Fein deputy president Mary Lou McDonald says the DUP is not yet ready to step up to the plate and meet its commitments. But Mr Robinson insists his party is prepared to work through outstanding issues and expresses disappointment at Sinn Fein's claim that the latest round of talks are over. January 23: After a meeting of Sinn Fein's executive council - the Ard Chomhairle - Martin McGuinness demands a crisis summit with DUP leader Mr Robinson. January 25: Mr McGuinness and Mr Robinson's meeting at Stormont lasts less than an hour, breaking up without progress. After holding talks at Downing Street, Prime Minister Gordon Brown and Irish premier Brian Cowen announce that they are flying to Northern Ireland to meet the leaders. The two governments convene the talks summit at Hillsborough Castle insisting that progress can be made. January 26: A round-table meeting involving all the parties is chaired by the two premiers. Despite this outward sign of progress, a final solution is apparently no closer, with the issues of contentious parades still proving problematic. January 27: The final plenary session involving the parties and two premiers ends in acrimony, with Sinn Fein branding negotiations a dismal failure. Mr Brown and Mr Cowen leave without a settlement but insist a pathway to agreement has been laid. They give the parties two days to find a resolution or else they will publish their own joint proposals for moving the process forward. January 29: With the DUP and Sinn Fein still negotiating intensively at Hillsborough, the governments allow the deadline to slip amid hopes of progress. The marathon summit becomes the longest continuous round of talks in the history of the peace process. January 30: After more than 100 hours of negotiations, both the DUP and Sinn Fein hint at a breakthrough. Both claim that significant progress has been made, prompting speculation that a deal could be close. February 1: Peter Robinson is confronted with significant rebellion within his own party ranks when he presents a proposed agreement to his fellow assembly members. Fourteen DUP MLAs (40%) vote against the deal in a secret ballot with the party's assembly group. February 3: Mr Robinson resumes his position as First Minister after claiming the first of a series of probes into his involvement in his wife's financial affairs has cleared him of wrong doing. Secretary of State Shaun Woodward warns that a £800 million financial package offered by treasury for policing and justice in the region will be withdrawn if devolution does not happen. February 4: Sinn Fein claim negotiations are over and the basis for a deal now exists. After final talks with the British government, the DUP calls another meeting of its assembly group at Parliament Buildings at Stormont. At ten minutes to midnight, Peter
Robinson emerges from the two hour briefing to announce that his party
colleagues had unanimously backed the agreement with Sinn Fein.
Gerry
Adams tells of his nights on the floor Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams has revealed he slept on the floor during the intensive talks at Hillsborough Castle over the devolution of policing and justice. He claimed the talks were most successful when it was just his party negotiating with the DUP. Writing on his blog Léargas, Mr Adams said the Sinn Fein teams negotiated for 120 hours last week but most of this time was “about keeping the NIO from messing things up, about neutralising unhelpful interventions from the governments, getting rid of pre-conditions and creating the space for positive discussions between ourselves and the DUP”. He added: “No one should think that everything is going to be perfectly hunky dory from here on if the DUP sign up to this agreement. On the contrary, the process of change will continue to challenge everyone. It is also a journey. This week’s work has prepared the ground for the next phase. “The deprivations of this
last week and all the other inconveniences like sleeping on the floor,
which accompany such negotiations, are a small price to pay.”
Gardai
'actively pursuing new avenues' in Denis Donaldson murder investigation A reconvened inquest into the death of former senior Sinn Fein member Denis Donaldson in Letterkenny yesterday afternoon heard that gardai were “actively” pursuing new avenues in his murder investigation. Self-confessed British spy Donaldson (56) was hit by four shotgun blasts at his remote cottage at Cloghercor on Monday, April 3, 2006. His exposure in 2005 as an informer within the ranks of the IRA sent shockwaves throughout republican circles. Donaldson was one of three men arrested in a raid on the Sinn Féin offices as part of a high-profile police investigation into an alleged Irish republican spy-ring. In spite of the charges being later dropped, the Stormontgate affair in 2002 brought the Assembly to a shuddering halt for several years while the accusations flew between the various political sides. Yesterday, Superintendent Michael Finan told Coroner Dr Denis McCauley that he was seeking a nine-month adjournment. The inquest had been adjourned three times in the past. Supt Finan said avenues were actively being pursued. The Donaldson family’s solicitor, Ciaran Shiels of Belfast firm Madden and Finucane, confirmed they were happy to have the inquest adjourned. Mr Shiels said the family has been in correspondence with the Assistant Garda Commissioner in recent months and that they recognised there is an ongoing investigation and it needs time to be explored. However, Mr Shiels said he would be seeking a six-month adjournment adding that the fourth anniversary of Mr Donaldson’s death was approaching. “We are mindful of the fact that there is a duty of promptness on the part of the gardai,” Mr Shiels said. He cited the case of the 1991 murder of Tyrone man Patrick Shanahan by loyalist paramilitaries near Castlederg. The Shanahan family, he said, had taken their case to the European Court and were awarded compensation against the UK Government as there had been a four-and-a-half year delay in bringing the inquest to a full hearing. Supt Finan said he was seeking a nine-month adjournment as their investigation was very “technical in detail”. Dr McCauley said he would adjourn
for six months. He adjourned the inquest for mention to August 26.
MP Iris
Robinson feathered her nest with £1,600 bed . . . and billed
us It is not the first time DUP MP Iris Robinson’s boudoir has been a hotbed of controversy. What happened inside — or outside — her marital bedroom hit the headlines last month after a fling with a 19-year-old man. Now, after the Sir Thomas Legg ruling on MPs’ expenses, it is the price of furniture which adorned the bedroom in her London flat — and the public money that paid for it that has captured headlines. A receipt from Mrs Robinson’s expenses revealed that the wife of the First Minister Peter Robinson splashed out more than £1,600 of taxpayers’ money on a luxury bed. The then MP for Strangford placed the order on January 10, 2006. Much of the receipt is blackened out, so the exact type of bed — Divan, adjustable, sofa bed, water bed or even bunk, is not exactly clear. The colour/fabric and tension of the bed is not revealed either. What it does say, however, is that it was a ‘pocket superb 1800’ mattress, had four drawers and it cost £1,449.95. But the claim also included a Rebecca style headboard — a curvaceous design in either antique brass or antique nickel effect — priced at £169.95. An additional £25 delivery charge was also included in the overall claim. The total came to £1,644.90, which was an overspend of £544.90 according to Sir Thomas. Iris’ extravagant tastes do not come as a surprise to those who have followed the career of the former first lady of Ulster politics. Indeed, in previous interviews it has been reported that the Robinsons' bedroom in Castlereagh boasts a massive four poster Gothic bed with heart-shaped cushions. Iris and husband Peter have been dubbed ‘Swish Family Robinson’ due to the various salaries and expenses they were receiving and her extravagant and opulent tastes in decor. Their white villa just outside east Belfast had chandeliers in every room. A local artist painted wall frescos, a Tuscan landscape in the bathroom, an African one in the porch. But as Mrs Robinson enjoyed a good night’s sleep in a bed paid for by the public the Belfast Telegraph has been finding out what the disgraced MP could have bought at a cheaper price. For that price, we calculated that she could have purchased at least 28 basic bedframes and sprung mattresses from Ikea. (£29 each). Or, to be frugal and incorporate sleeping and sitting— eight sofa beds from Dreams (chocolate and silver colour), which cost £199. Or for those who want to relive their youth, what about a bunk bed? The Robinsons could have packed 11 Ikea bunk bed frames, priced at £149 each, into their home. But for £1,600, their four-poster bed could be replaced by two luxury adjustable beds with memory foam each costing £799. Or Mrs Robinson could have bought a luxury ‘Rest Assured Sanctuary 2600 Memory Super Kingsize Divan’ at Argos for £1,634.89. All prices correct according to
websites.
Editor's
Viewpoint: Pay it all back, no expense spared Several of Northern Ireland’s leading politicians have hardly covered themselves in glory over the expenses scandal. Between them they have been forced to pay back more than £20,000 in expenses claims from the House of Commons. Covering everything from bedroom furniture — former MP Iris Robinson claimed for a £1,644 luxury bed — to mortgage interest payments, food and even television licences, the claims were evidently paid out with only the minimum of checks. Apart from Mrs Robinson’s bed charges — another embarrassing revelation for her to cope with — former Ulster Unionist leader, Lord Trimble, was ordered to pay back the £805 annual fee for membership of the prestigious Athenaeum Club in London. Some of the most influential people in the UK are members and Lord Trimble obviously felt it was an advantage to become one. Quite rightly, Sir Thomas Legg, the man who reviewed MPs’ expenses, felt the public purse should not bear the cost. Sir Thomas’ report said the expenses system was deeply flawed, with vague rules and a lack of transparency. MPs could make substantial claims, especially for mortgage interest, without producing proper evidence to back them up. Little wonder Sir Thomas found that MPs had been overpaid by £1.12m. It was a system ripe for exploitation and, it is clear, many MPs were advantaged by the lack of proper oversight. However, some MPs are still resisting
paying back what Sir Thomas feels is due. The public was appalled
at the scale of expenses — and the range of goods and services
covered — when the scandal first broke. They are now angry that
MPs cannot accept the findings of the independent inquiry |into expenses.
That has led to widespread disillusionment with politics in general.
At a time when the public purse is under enormous pressure, it is
only proper that MPs should set an example and rein in their excessive
claims.
SDLP
50/50 call branded 'legalised discrimination' Demands by the SDLP for the Government to extend the 50/50 recruitment process for the PSNI for up to 15 years has been slammed as "a call for legalised discrimination". North Antrim MLA Ian Paisley Jnr hit out after SDLP Policing Board member Alex Attwood said the 50/50 process needed to run for another 15 years if the PSNI is to be truly representative of the community it serves. He said: “Patten said one of the key tests of confidence in the police was having a balance of community representation in the police. “We need to get to 44 per cent to have overall balance on the Catholic side. “Fifty-fifty would be a key mechanism to bringing that about.” But Mr Paisley said “no matter how it is spun, support for the extension of a policy which would deny people employment simply because of their religion is sectarianism”. He said: “People deserve to be employed on the basis of merit and their ability to do a job. “If that principle is correct in one field then it must be correct everywhere, including the employment of police officers.” The DUP MLA added: “Anyone who would support this kind of policy abdicates any claim to support equality. “They can now be clearly seen to support a sectarian and discriminatory policy yet they would seek to impose it upon Northern Ireland for another decade and a half.” Earlier this week, Security Minister Paul Goggins announced the 50/50 system would end in 2011, when around 30 per cent of police officers will be Catholics. When it was introduced in 2001, Catholics made up about eight per cent of the PSNI. That has now risen to just over 27 per cent. Mr Goggins said the 50/50 recruitment process had delivered “significant change”. He said: “It has been necessary to introduce these temporary provisions in order to deal with the historic imbalance, but of course it is important that as we move forward with confidence in policing we expect applications to come from all communities, continuing to attract people of the highest calibre. “The record number of applications
for the latest recruitment competition to the PSNI underlines the
growing support for the PSNI from young men and women across the community.”
SDLP
calls for extension of 50/50 The SDLP has called on the British government to extend the 50/50 recruitment policy for the PSNI for up to 15 years. The policy, recommended by the Patten Report, means 50% of all new recruits to the PSNI must be from the Catholic community. Earlier today, British minister Paul Goggins announced the system would end in 2011, when around 30% of PSNI members are expected to be Catholics. “As soon as the 30% target is achieved, the government will return to parliament and bring these provisions to an end. This is in line with the commitment made in the St Andrews Agreement that the 50/50 recruitment arrangements to the PSNI will lapse when the Patten target for Catholic officers has been achieved”, he said. When the recruitment policy was introduced in 2001, Catholics made up about 8% of the PSNI. That has now risen to just over 27%. SDLP Policing Board member Alex Attwood said the 50/50 process needed to run for another 15 years if the PSNI is to be truly representative of the community it serves. “Patten said one of the key tests of confidence in the police was having a balance of community representation in the police,” he said. “We need to get to 44% to
have overall balance on the Catholic side. Fifty-fifty would be a
key mechanism to bringing that about.”
DUP in
last-minute talks over justice deal The Democratic Unionist Party was tonight in last-minute talks with the British Government before giving its verdict on a deal to save North's power-sharing Assembly. Sinn Féin announced earlier today that negotiations on policing, justice and parades had ended and republicans believed the basis for an agreement existed. But DUP Environment Minister Edwin Poots tonight said his party was meeting the Government at Hillsborough castle for further talks. In response to the Sinn Féin comments, he said: “The referee’s whistle has not been blown yet. And if one team leaves the pitch before the referee’s whistle is blown, that is a matter for them. We are still playing.” Mr Poots’ claim that his party was still in discussions with the Government appeared to be at odds with an announcement earlier today by Sinn Féin’s junior minister Gerry Kelly. Mr Kelly said: “The negotiations have come to a conclusion. We believe that it is a positive conclusion and we believe that it is the basis on which to move forward.” The two parties have been involved in 10 days of discussions at Hillsborough Castle, Co Down, with representatives of the British and Irish governments. The talks hinge on the search for a deal on the devolution of policing and justice powers to Stormont, plus unionist calls for a new system for overseeing loyal order parades. DUP leader Peter Robinson briefed his party colleagues at Stormont on Monday amid speculation that a deal was to be agreed at that time. British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and Taoiseach Brian Cowen were on standby to attend an official announcement. But it has been widely reported that 14 of the DUP’s 36 Assembly members refused to support the proposals. The apparent rebellion – though hotly denied by the DUP – appeared to scupper plans to announce a successful conclusion of the talks on Monday. Tonight it was unclear when the DUP would hold its next party meeting to discuss a final package of proposals. In a further development, Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams writing today in his blog, Leargas, claimed his party had blocked moves by the DUP to secure concessions from the British Government after the unionist party met internal difficulties on Monday. Mr Adams said: “We were to meet Peter Robinson when his group meeting was finished but he headed off to talk to the British. There was then a real concern that there would be an attempt to re-negotiate what had been agreed. We ruled that out. “It is obvious that Peter has to go back to his Assembly group. We have just concluded our discussions with them.” Sinn Féin’s Alex
Maskey tonight refused to interpret whether the renewed DUP contacts
with government represented a last minute difficulty in the search
for a deal and said he believed agreement was possible.
Sinn
Fein: basis for justice deal now exists Sinn Fein have signalled that the basis for a deal on policing and justice in Northern Ireland now exists. The announcement by the party's junior minister Gerry Kelly ends nearly two weeks of round-the-clock negotiations, with the outcome now depending on the reaction of the Democratic Unionist Party. Both parties have been deadlocked on the issue of transferring policing and justice powers from Westminster to Stormont, while they have also debated a new system for overseeing Loyal Order parades. Mr Kelly said: "The negotiations have come to a conclusion. "We believe that it is a positive conclusion and we believe that it is the basis on which to move forward." The republican spokesman would not be drawn on the position of the DUP. But it has already been widely reported that the unionist party was divided on proposals for a deal presented to members in a private meeting on Monday. DUP leader Peter Robinson is expected to address his Assembly colleagues as the focus now shifts to whether his party can sign up to the agreement. The two parties have been involved in 10 days of discussions at Hillsborough Castle, Co Down, along with representatives of the British and Irish governments. Earlier today Irish Foreign Affairs Minister Micheal Martin said he believed a positive announcement was in the pipeline. When asked about the likely DUP reaction, Mr Kelly said: "I am not going to answer any questions on the DUP. I believe we have the basis on which to move forward." Sinn Fein Deputy First Minister
Martin McGuinness was poised to brief members of his party's officer
board on the deal.
April
is the time The waiting game is still on but maybe for not much longer. The DUP assembly group is likely to meet on Thursday evening and this will be a crucial meeting. The negotiations are basically over bar a few small points over the role of the justice minister. But some interesting details of any deal are emerging. Gordon Brown and Brian Cowen talked about devolution of policing and justice taking place in early May. I gather this has changed. The new date is likely to be April 12. It seems the parties agreed devolving in the same week as the general election was not the wisest way forward. The details of the parades negotiations will be interesting although one senior DUP source told me they thought it was a good deal. Peter Robinson may well have major difficulties getting his entire group across the line but the number of doubters has reduced significantly I'm told. A nod on Thursday night and the PMs could be back at Hillsborough on Friday. But, of course, we have heard
that before.
Northern
Ireland negotiations in waiting room By Brian Rowan The Hillsborough negotiation is now in a kind of political waiting room. It is waiting for Peter Robinson and waiting for the next meeting of his Assembly Party. More specifically it is waiting for the result of that party’s next vote. Monday — despite all the brave faces that were put on it — was not a good day for the DUP. Too many voted against the Hillsborough proposals as they stood at that time. There has been more talking since, more talking before the next attempt to sell the deal. Sinn Fein — Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness — are giving Peter Robinson the space and time he needs to work. At this point in this negotiation there is no threat that Mr McGuinness could walk as Deputy First Minister. Such a move and such pressure would put Mr Robinson and the DUP in an impossible position. The deal would be doomed. So, republicans are waiting. They are in the cosy chairs — the DUP in the hot seat. “He’s (Mr Robinson’s) not going to split his party,” one source said last night. Could they lose people? That’s a question I put to someone in the DUP. “No we will not — not at all,” was the response. I guess the source would say that. But others still have concerns. “You are still down to getting the big boys onboard,” a talks insider commented — a reference to those very senior sceptics including Gregory Campbell, Willie McCrea, David Simpson and Lord Morrow. There is a view that if Mr Robinson can get those “big hitters” onboard then the rest — or most of the rest — will follow. Some talks sources are suggesting that there is still a bit of work to be done on the deal, but that gaps are “narrowing down”. “I still think there is the possibility of securing a deal this week if there is the will to resolve the outstanding issues,” a DUP MP said last night. This is about much more than a
deal. If this negotiation fails then Stormont could collapse. And
in that circumstance no one knows how long it would take to rebuild.
DUP
muddling mirrors state of unionist community Unionists like to depict Sinn Féin as wreckers, but their ambivalence to powersharing is destroying the system, writes FIONNUALA O CONNOR Watching as evidence emerges of disarray inside the largest unionist party, the DUP, the first question is how Peter Robinson misread the situation so badly. He inherited from Ian Paisley not just because there was no more impressive rival, but because the party thought him skilful and smart. The strains in his private life might help explain how a smart man mishandled a crisis that need not have erupted. The causes go deeper. Why did the DUP leader bring proposals to his 36 MLAs that he knew at least a third of would reject? The length of the meeting alone made clear that the argument had to be fought from a basic level. The votes against demonstrated that the number of opponents increased rather than decreased after Robinson made his case. But the divide in the DUP is no mystery. It mirrors the state of the unionist community. Any number of recent phone-ins and vox pops have found embarrassment at the “clowns” and wasters in Stormont, who ought to be “turfed out, the lot of them”. Much of that sentiment is unionist, lashing out at politics in general because it cannot bear to be specific. The implication is that republicans and nationalists have helped endanger Stormont. The greatest embarrassment for unionists is that only Sinn Féin’s forbearance with the DUP’s flustering has kept the Assembly in being. The DUP never liked the powersharing arrangement. Their followers made up the 50 per cent of unionism which voted against it in 1998. But Paisley and his party wanted to stay in the game: they adopted the Robinsonian wheeze of taking ministries but not sitting in the Executive. Gradually, Ulster Unionism’s outright “antis” drifted over. And the DUP came to represent 60 per cent of unionist opinion, became the biggest party and, still unreconciled, inherited a system it still opposed. Their solution was to inhabit it and sabotage it at the same time. Paisley and then Robinson took office as first minister but pretended it was not a joint office. The illogical and silly title of “deputy first minister” was written into the 1998 negotiations to help unionists sell the deal as respectful of their majority status. It turned out that Protestant/unionist opinion was no keener on sharing power with the moderate SDLP than they have been about sharing office with Martin McGuinness, former leader of the IRA. Few unionist politicians have been able to bring themselves to use the word “powersharing”. The three first ministers to date have behaved as if they were prime ministers. But the attempts to frustrate Sinn Féin and go slow on powersharing have helped to destroy the system, and encouraged the Traditional Unionist Voice of Jim Allister – who holds with the old style of “Sinn Féin/IRA” and has sounded very happy recently. The Allister vote is expected to increase in any new assembly. Part of the DUP’s muddle is clearly panic at the thought of what a snap Assembly election may bring. Unionists have been scrambling to construct pacts to ward off Sinn Féin’s emergence as the biggest party, and the likely nomination of McGuinness as first minister. A Belfast Telegraph poll of unionist MLAs this week showed a widely held belief that not only must McGuinness be blocked but that the first minister must be unionist – since unionists are the majority. Now the DUP is faced with a decision. It isn’t enviable. Do they say they will not and cannot work with Sinn Féin because of their past as the IRA’s political wing? Which amounts to admitting they have been fibbing to themselves and their supporters this past few years. Or do they say yes, they will work the arrangement, because they believe the IRA has gone out of existence, Sinn Féin has signed up to support the police, and it represents the majority of nationalists? This would mean finally confronting the ambivalence that runs through the heart of their community. It was easy to make powersharing look bad. They just refused to be civil to their supposed partners, and kept telling their supporters no partnership existed. To prove it, they blocked everything their opposite numbers wanted most. But unionists like to depict Sinn
Féin as wreckers. It has been a trial to hear Sinn Féin
spokesmen hanging on to their patience. Martin McGuinness has been
offensively polite, disgustingly amiable, beginning with those months
of biting his lip while Paisley belittled him, smilingly, as “the
deputy”. If unionists stay at sixes and sevens, McGuinness might
well be in line to be first minister – when, of course, he would
have precisely the power that he has now.
Deal
over Northern Ireland policing powers 'very close' A deal to break the political deadlock over the devolution of policing and justice powers to NI is "very close", the Irish foreign minister has said. Speaking at a business breakfast in London, Michael Martin said he believed "we will have positive news soon". Talks between the British and Irish governments, Sinn Fein and the DUP have been going on for the last 10 days. Mr Martin has co-hosted some of the talks at Hillsborough Castle with NI Secretary Shaun Woodward. "A deal struck by the political leaders of Northern Ireland, and facilitated by the governments, is also an important demonstration that Northern Ireland is open for business," Mr Martin said. "In these difficult economic times it is imperative that the world sees the north as a politically stable and increasingly normalised society which has considerable investment potential. "Most importantly, a political agreement sends a clear message to those few who still want to undermine peace that they cannot - and will not - succeed." Election On Tuesday, Prime Minister Gordon Brown told Ulster Unionist leader Sir Reg Empey the government would call a snap NI Assembly election rather than just suspending the institutions if the talks failed and the Executive collapsed. The relationship between Sinn Fein and the DUP - Northern Ireland's two biggest political parties - has been strained for some time because they disagree about the timetable for the transfer of policing and justice powers from Westminster to Stormont. Sinn Fein wants the completion of devolution to happen as soon as possible, but the DUP argues there must be unionist "community confidence" before powers are put in the hands of local politicians. The "confidence" issue
causing most division is over the handling of loyalist parades.
DUP ‘are
just Sinn Fein props’ TUV leader Jim Allister has accused his former DUP colleagues of becoming “hapless props” for Sinn Fein strategy. In a strongly-worded attack Mr Allister claimed the DUP was engaging in “disingenuous spin” over its Assembly group meeting on Monday. It saw some 40% of of the party’s MLAs opposing a proposed agreement on the devolution of policing and justice powers. The ex-MEP said: “The sad reality of this week is that since Monday the DUP — whose rebuffed leader was content with the vacuity and ‘constructive ambiguity’ of last weekend’s deal — has been back at Hillsborough begging Sinn Fein to throw him a few crumbs to keep him and their deal afloat. Any deal which now is the product of such abasement to IRA/Sinn Fein should fool no one. “The spectacle of recent days vividly points up the falsity of past DUP claims that, in contrast to Trimble, they had put an end to Sinn Fein holding devolution to ransom. “Not so long ago the DUP was boasting it had ‘ended the era of stop/start devolution and the intervention and interference of British and Irish Prime Ministers’. What, then, has the last 10 days been about other than Sinn Fein, with its gun to the DUP’s head, extracting more concessions as the price of keeping Stormont going? “All I can see that far
from ending the drip,drip of concessions to Sinn Fein, the DUP has
become the hapless props for Sinn Fein’s staging post strategy.
Such is what inevitably happens when you embrace an unworkable system
built on toxic vetoes to Sinn Fein.”
Calls
to publish Robinson legal advice On his first full day back as First Minister Peter Robinson is under pressure to publish a barrister opinion that he did not breach his code of office. The DUP leader has resumed his role after receiving the legal advice, raising hopes of progress in the search for a deal to save the power-sharing government. A prominent senior counsel was appointed in January to offer his legal opinion on allegations that Mr Robinson had broken Assembly ethics over his wife’s financial affairs. Paul Maguire QC was asked for an opinion from the Departmental Solicitors’ Office regarding the sole allegation levelled by the BBC against Mr Robinson, namely that he knew of his wife’s financial affairs and failed to report them to the relevant authorities. The Department of Finance and Personnel said Mr Maguire’s role would not amount to a formal investigation of the First Minister. Social Development Minister Margaret Ritchie said there were more questions to be answered. “I don’t think the scope of this inquiry by senior crown counsel was sufficient to address fully public interest issues or answer the questions that are out there,” she said. She added that she had the utmost respect for Paul Maguire QC, and said she was sure he had done a thorough job. TUV leader Jim Allister said there should be publication of Mr Maguire’s opinion “but there should also be publication of the instructions given to counsel on which it was based and all documentation that was furnished to him. “This is a clearance only on the very narrow issue over whether there was a breach of the Ministerial Code. It’s not the product of an investigation. It’s the product of counsel’s opinion.” An Ulster Unionist Party spokesperson said there should be full transparency. “It would clearly be in the public interest for this legal opinion to be published in full,” he said. “However there are also ongoing investigations, including a police inquiry, together with investigations by Parliamentary, Assembly and Electoral Commission authorities. “We will await the conclusion of those investigations with interest.” Mr Robinson stepped down temporarily as First Minister on January 11, after it emerged that his wife secured £50,000 from two property developers to set her teenage lover up in business while she was an MP. A BBC Spotlight documentary questioned whether Mr Robinson, who was said to have known that his wife had received the money, should have informed the authorities. He still faces parliamentary probes, while the PSNI are reviewing the claims made against his wife, the former MP for Strangford. Mr Robinson said he had been cleared of breaching his code of office and that he looked forward to the outcome of other reviews of the allegations against his wife and his knowledge of the episode. Mr Robinson said he would then “determine what legal action I should take against the BBC and others”. A BBC Northern Ireland spokesperson said: “The BBC stands by its journalism. We believe that the issues Spotlight uncovered during its investigation of several months into Iris Robinson were of significant public interest and were well sourced. “The BBC conducts its investigations in compliance with strict editorial guidelines. This programme was a piece of responsible journalism and a matter of public importance. “We are confident that the report was balanced and accurate. The Robinsons were made aware of the allegations and were given appropriate rights of reply.” The spokesperson also confirmed
that the QC had had no contact with the BBC.
David
Gordon: ‘Iris-gate’ will not go away Unfortunately for Peter Robinson, his return as First Minister is unlikely to bring him closure from the scandal surrounding his wife. For one thing there is the inevitable political fallout from the fall of Iris. Team Robinson was a formidable electoral double act in its day and its passing in such circumstances cannot leave him unscathed. Meanwhile, an Assembly standards inquiry — currently on hold — is likely to take months. It should involve the former MLA having her say, breaking the silence of the wife. Should Mr Robinson have made register of interest declarations on her involvement with that property developer money? Should he have at least persuaded her to make belated declarations herself? Such questions relate to whether the £50,000 was declarable in the first place by Mrs Robinson. That involves determining whether it was in any way connected to her MLA role. Register of interest issues cannot just be decided on legal analysis. There are judgment calls to be made. The MLA code of conduct says each member should declare financial matters “which might reasonably be thought by others to influence his or her actions, speeches or votes in the Assembly, or actions taken in his or her capacity as a Member of the Assembly”. That phrase “reasonably
be thought by others” is where the judgment call comes in.
Electoral
body finishes DUP probe The Electoral Commission has completed its review of donations made to the DUP by its leader Peter Robinson. In a interview with the News Letter last June, he said that he gave his assembly salary to the party. The commission opened the review because donations over £5,000 to a political party have to be declared. As an MP, Mr Robinson's MLA salary is reduced to £15,000 but it is understood the commission has no record of any donation over the £5,000 limit. Last June, following the European elections and the media focus on salaries and expenses, Mr Robinson gave a wide-ranging interview to the News Letter. He was quoted as saying that he gives up his entire MLA salary, which is around £15,000. At the time of the interview, parties were required under law to declare donations exceeding £5,000 to the commission. It is understood the commission found no donation exceeding that limit and therefore will not be investigating any breach. The law has now changed and parties have to declare any donation over £7,500. BBC NI political correspondent Martina Purdy said news of the review into donations to the DUP came to light in the wake of the BBC Spotlight documentary on the financial affairs of Iris Robinson "The question remains - how
much of his assembly salary did Mr Robinson donate to the party?"
Robinson
lobbied for green-belt development Peter Robinson lobbied for a controversial housing development project in his East Belfast constituency which was finally granted against the opinion of a senior planner. Despite signing the approval for the scheme at a protected green-belt area, planner Paul Montgomery added a disclaimer: “I remain of the opinion that this application should be refused in line with previous report.” The document bearing Mr Montgomery’s signature and his reservation was reproduced in yesterday’s Irish News. The newspaper also reproduced a letter written by Mr Robinson to the Department of the Environment seeking to have the matter “expedited”. Peter Carr, chairman of the Dundonald Greenbelt Association, said: “It shouldn’t happen like that.” The department said last night its procedures had been followed. Mr Montgomery had argued that building up to 400 homes on a large tract of land owned by Knock Golf Club would breach rules protecting such land contained in the Belfast Urban Area Plan of 2001 and other guidelines. However, four months after an initial application in 2007 was refused, Mr Robinson wrote to the then environment minister, Arlene Foster, requesting that she “investigate the matter”. Mr Robinson’s wife, Iris, who was still an MP, Assembly member and Castlereagh councillor, also entered into correspondence over the issue as did his son Gareth who is also a Castlereagh councillor. Mr Robinson was deputy leader of the DUP at the time and was finance minister in the Executive. The original planning application was turned down on a range of issues including the claim that it would “result in the loss of an area of existing open space”. Mr Montgomery held strong reservations about the application when it was amended. He said the inclusion of a new championship golf course would “not represent a substantial community benefit”. In addition he doubted that any new clubhouse, which would also be used as a community centre, would attract public funding and further doubted if its provision would “decisively outweigh the loss of the open space”. Mr Montgomery was overruled by Belfast divisional planning manager Neil Dunlop. The DUP declined to comment on the issue last night. The Department of Environment
said: “Every planning decision is agreed corporately following
consideration of the planning report. The decision taken is the Planning
Service’s corporate opinion . . . [the service] remains of the
view that the decision to approve is correct.”
Minister
extends 50/50 PSNI enrolment Security Minister Paul Goggins has extended the PSNI 50/50 recruitment process for the final time. The minister laid an Order in Parliament yesterday to renew the temporary provisions, that followed a three-month consultation period on their effectiveness. Speaking yesterday at Northern Ireland Questions, Mr Goggins said: “Northern Ireland has a police service which has support from across the political spectrum and in all sections of the community. “The role of the PSNI has also fundamentally changed, with a greater emphasis on community policing. The temporary 50/50 provisions have also delivered significant change in the composition of the PSNI. “When they were introduced in 2001, Catholic composition was 8.3% and today it stands at 27.68% of a service of over 7,300 officers. “As soon as the 30% target is achieved, the Government will return to Parliament and bring these provisions to an end. “This is in line with the
commitment made in the St Andrews Agreement that the 50/50 recruitment
arrangements to the PSNI will lapse when the Patten target for Catholic
officers has been achieved.”
Real
IRA claims pipe-bomb attack on police station Dissident republicans have claimed responsibility for a pipe- bomb attack on a police station. About 40 families had to be moved from their homes in north Belfast after a small explosion outside Oldpark PSNI station in the early hours of yesterday. Damage was caused to the perimeter fence, but there were no reports of any injuries. Army Technical Officers spent much of yesterday examining the scene. In a telephone call to the Belfast Telegraph newsdesk a spokesman for the “Real IRA Belfast brigade” said the organisation had carried out the attack. The spokesman, who gave a codeword, read a statement. He said: “An explosive device was thrown at a PSNI barracks by the Belfast brigade of the Real IRA. “In October an improvised explosive device was thrown by the RIRA in Belfast into a TA barracks and in September a local contractor was also targeted for working with the Brits.” Chief Superintendent Mark Purdon condemned the attack and said people do “not want to be pulled back into a past they want to leave behind”. “Apart from the obvious dangers posed by a pipe-bomb type device, it also seriously disrupts and inconveniences the lives of local residents,” he said. “Old people and young children have had to leave their homes because of this attack, which is absolutely unacceptable.” He appealed for help from the community to catch those behind the attack. Residents were allowed back into their homes at about 3.30pm. DUP MP for North Belfast Nigel Dodds said the attack illustrated that there was a “ruthless and fanatical dissident republican element” operating in the immediate area. Alliance councillor Billy Webb described the attack as “sinister”. Dissident republicans were also blamed for a similar attack in north Belfast in October when a small bomb was thrown into a Territorial Army base in Ashfield Crescent. Earlier this week the outside wall at Crossmaglen PSNI station in south Armagh was riddled with bullets. And last month dissident republicans were blamed for two separate gun attacks on the police station in Bessbrook. SDLP MLA Alban Maginness, said
he believed this latest incident “part and parcel of a dissident
republican campaign to exacerbate tension in the community and to
destabilise the political situation even further”.
Irish
republican dissident groups ‘co-operating’ A “realignment” within dissident republicanism is leading to an increase in attacks on the security forces in Northern Ireland, MPs have been warned. In the wake of Monday night's attack on a Belfast police station, the DUP's Jeffrey Donaldson demanded assurances that the PSNI was getting the resources it needed to combat the “serious threat”. Northern Ireland Security Minister Paul Goggins condemned the attack near Oldpark barracks in north Belfast, but said the security forces were aware of “tactical co-operation” between certain terrorist groups. At question time in the Commons yesterday Mr Donaldson asked Mr Goggins: “Are you aware of a realignment that is taking place within these dissident republican groups? As a result of that we have seen an increase in the number of attacks and the risks to the security forces.” Mr Goggins told him: “The
Independent Monitoring Commission did note that there were some tactical
co-operation between certain groupings. That is something that the
PSNI and the Security Service are dealing with.”
Former
Workers' Party leader dies A former member of the Irish Parliament and Workers' Party leader, Tomas Mac Giolla, has died at the age of 86 in Dublin following a long illness. Mr Mac Giolla was a TD for Dublin West from 1982 to 1992. He was also Lord Mayor of Dublin from 1993 to 1994. He served as the President of Sinn Fein from 1962 until 1969, when the party split. Later, he remained on as the leader of Official Sinn Fein, which later became the Workers' Party. He retired as leader in 1988 and lost his seat in the Dail in 1992. It followed the split of the party and the setting up of Democratic Left. Paying tribute to Mr Mac Giolla, the current Workers Party President, Michael Finnegan, said Mr Mac Giolla was "a greatly underestimated figure in Irish politics". Mr Mac Giolla is survived by his
wife May.
Robinson
back as First Minister Under-pressure DUP leader Peter Robinson has resumed his role as Stormont First Minister after stepping aside last month for a ‘short time’, he revealed in a statement this evening. Mr Robinson stood down on 11th January to attempt to clear his name over money his wife Iris raised for her former 19-year-old lover’s business. He said he had informed the Assembly speaker William Hay of his decision to resume his functions after receiving legal advice from Paul Maguire QC, a senior barrister who had been appointed to advise on allegations of misconduct. Enterprise Minister Arlene Foster temporarily stood in as First Minister during Mr Robinson’s leave, which was granted for a maximum of six weeks. Mr Robinson has continued to lead the DUP in negotiations on the long-overdue transfer of policing and justice powers to Stormont from Westminster. The news comes amid mounting speculation that the outcome of the negotiations on policing and justice will depend on another crunch meeting of the DUP’s Assembly group. Earlier this week, Mr Robinson
failed to convince his party to back a deal amid reports that 14 of
his MLAs voted No in a secret ballot.
Inquiry
into Robinson allegations ongoing The PSNI is continuing a criminal investigation into issues raised by the BBC Spotlight broadcast on January 7th. The investigation, which centres on allegations involving former Assembly member and MP Iris Robinson and the DUP leader and First Minister Peter Robinson, is led by Det Chief Supt Roy McComb, head of the PSNI’s Organised Crime Branch, which specialises in complex financial investigations. The inquiry has resulted in another examination, organised by the Assembly’s Standards and Privileges Committee, being suspended pending the police inquiry. There were reports at the weekend that Mr Robinson would announce he was returning full-time to the position of First Minister. It was thought he would announce last Monday that he was returning, after talks at Hillsborough on the transfer of justice powers and other issues had been completed. However, these negotiations are still ongoing. He stood aside from the First Minister’s role on January 11th for up to six weeks at the height of the furore over the Spotlight inquiry into his wife’s sexual and business affairs. Arlene Foster is acting First Minister in the interim. The police have said their inquiry will seek to establish whether any criminal offence has been committed by Mrs Robinson “and by any other person referred to in the programme”. On January 11th, the Committee on Standards and Privileges at Stormont received correspondence from Mr Robinson requesting that it examine questions raised by Spotlight. The committee chair, Declan O’Loan, said: “It is clearly in the public interest that an official investigation is carried out in order to establish the full facts in relation to the issues raised in the BBC’s recent Spotlight programme.” On January 27th this committee agreed that the inquiry it had initiated into the conduct of the Robinsons be suspended pending the outcome of the PSNI inquiry. The week beforehand, a prominent senior counsel was appointed to offer a legal opinion on allegations that Peter Robinson had broken Assembly ethics over his wife’s financial affairs. Paul Maguire QC was asked for an opinion from the Departmental Solicitors’ Office regarding the sole allegation levelled by the BBC against Mr Robinson, namely that he knew of his wife’s financial affairs and failed to report them to the relevant authorities. The Department of Finance and Personnel said Mr Maguire’s role would not amount to a formal investigation of the First Minister. Other inquiries by the Westminster Standards Committee and by Castlereagh Borough Council, of which Mrs Robinson was a member, have also begun. TOM comment:
The Castlereagh Borough Council inquiry was recently suspended pending
the outcome of the PSNI inquiry.
Policing
deal 'on the edge' – Woodward Northern Ireland Secretary Shaun Woodward has warned that efforts to reach a deal on policing and justice in the province were "on the edge". After eight days of negotiations, he told MPs on Wednesday that with "good political will" there could still be a "reasonable" agreement. But he warned that failure to achieve agreement would put much of the achievements of the peace process at risk. He was speaking as talks continue in Northern Ireland between the DUP, Sinn Fein and the British and Irish governments in an attempt to save the power-sharing government. At question time in the Commons, Mr Woodward told MPs: "Considerable progress has been made. With good political will, we believe the parties should be able to reach a reasonable agreement." But answering a question from the Tory chairman of the Northern Ireland Select Committee, Patrick Cormack, he warned: "Patience is required, but equally we must be careful not to try people's patience to distraction. "Unfair failure to make progress would not be rewarded, and I don't mean by any particular process now, but by the people of Northern Ireland. "We have changed their lives by the peace process, we have secured it in the political process. "It is right to make progress but we do indeed now sit on the edge." Mr Woodward was pressed by the DUP's South Antrim MP William McCrea, who said: "An essential agreement of the current discussions must be a consensus that can command community confidence. "Without that community confidence, no matter what pressure is placed on me or my colleagues, the DUP will not be buying into any deal." He said progress had been made but "more progress had to be done". Mr Woodward replied: "Everyone must have confidence but of course confidence doesn't belong to any one community. One of the principles here is that it must indeed command support from everyone in Northern Ireland. "The Assembly has been up
and running for nearly three years. This business remains to be done,
we believe the confidence is there, it is now time to summon leadership
and courage and act."
Community
confidence key to progress – McCrea The DUP MP Willie McCrea has said progress has been made at the Hillsborough talks on policing and parades, but more needs to be done. Mr McCrea said without community confidence he and his colleagues would "not be buying into a deal no matter how much pressure was brought to bear". The South Antrim MP was speaking during NI questions in the House of Commons. The talks on the devolution of the policing and justice powers continued late into Tuesday. On Wednesday, the Secretary of State, Shaun Woodward, told MPs the situation was "on the edge" and the public's patience should not be tested to distraction. He again warned that the £800m financial package for policing and prisons in Northern Ireland depended on a deal being secured. The Labour MP Kate Hoey said it was very important that no party should be seen to blackmail the government and she criticised Sinn Fein's implicit threat to pull out of the Stormont coalition if there is no agreement. Sinn Fein and the DUP have been arguing over the timing of the transfer of justice powers to Belfast. Sinn Fein wants the powers transferred immediately. The DUP has said that can only happen when there is "community confidence" among unionists. The talks represent the longest
period of sustained negotiations since the Northern Ireland peace
process began in the 1990s.
The ‘Dissenting
Fourteen’ The Irish News has named who they say a DUP source has claimed to be the membership of the ‘Dissenting Fourteen’ DUP MLAs who are opposed to the acceptance of a proposed deal on the devolution of policing and justice powers to Stormont. According to the Irish News, the fourteen are:
DUP MP Jeffrey Donaldson has denied there is a split in the party over the acceptance of the deal. Speaking on BBC Radio Ulster this morning Mr Donaldson claimed the party is united and unanimous in support of its leader Peter Robinson and its negotiating team. He said his party will not be intimidated by deadlines and its delegates at the talks wanted to ensure that there was stable government in the North and would not be “rolled over”. Media speculation that 14 DUP
members, including deputy leader Nigel Dodds, rejected proposals in
a ballot at a meeting on Monday was inaccurate, he added.
Assembly
elections called if NI Executive falls - PM The government will call an NI Assembly election rather than just suspending the institutions if the executive falls over failure to agree a policing deal. Prime Minister Gordon Brown made the comment in a telephone call to UUP leader Sir Reg Empey on Tuesday. Mr Brown said the deal under discussion addressed UUP concerns on the "dysfunctionality" of the executive. The talks at Hillsborough Castle on the devolution of justice and policing power continued late into Tuesday. Sinn Fein and the DUP have been arguing over the timing of the transfer of justice powers to Belfast. Sinn Fein wants the powers transferred immediately. The DUP has said that can only happen when there is "community confidence" among unionists. On Tuesday, DUP deputy leader Nigel Dodds said the party had given "total support" to its leadership on outstanding issues over the devolution of justice powers. However, Mr Dodds did not deny a BBC report that 14 MLAs voted against the Hillsborough proposals in a secret ballot on Monday. He said Peter Robinson was a "first class unionist leader" who enjoyed the "full support" of the party. The talks now appear likely to go on until the end of the week. An internal DUP meeting on Monday was said to have been stormy, with a secret ballot ending in a 60/40 split in favour of the deal. Mr Dodds said "speculation and innuendo" was being peddled by "some sections of the media". He denied some members had threatened to resign. The talks represent the longest
period of sustained negotiations since the Northern Ireland peace
process began in the 1990s.
UUP dismiss
talk of DUP merger There will not be a merger between the Ulster Unionist Party and the DUP, party leader Sir Reg Empey has said. Sir Reg said no deal had been made and said the UUP were 100% committed to their link with the Conservatives. It is understood an Ulster Unionist Executive meeting on Tuesday night rejected what were described as "bogus unionist unity talks". It was also agreed to select joint Westminster candidates with the Tories as soon as possible. One UUP source told BBC political editor Mark Devenport there was a determination "not to pull the DUP out of a hole". "It looks like the UUP have now made a decision to opt with the Conservatives rather than pursue very much further these discussions of a closer relationship with the DUP," our political editor said. Last month, the BBC learned that the Orange Order convened secret unity talks between the two main unionist parties, the DUP and UUP, in early December. Party leaders Peter Robinson and Sir Reg Empey attended the talks at the Orange Order's headquarters in Belfast, where the two parties discussed the possibility of electoral pacts and forming a unionist bloc at Stormont. The talks did not involve the Tories, the UUP's current election partner. The discussions at Schomberg House were also attended by the DUP deputy leader Nigel Dodds and the Ulster Unionist MLA David McNarry. They were chaired by the Orange Grand Master Robert Saulters and the Grand Secretary Drew Nelson. The talks took place prior to this month's secret discussions between the two parties at Hatfield House in England which were chaired by the Conservative spokesman Owen Paterson. Last month, two former Conservative candidates who may have contested the general election as part of the UUP/Tory pact withdrew their nominations partly because of a possible deal between the Ulster Unionists and DUP. Sheila Davidson and Peter McCann said they feared the Ulster Unionists would do a separate deal with the DUP. The UUP's decision could have
wider repercussions for the current political impasse over the devolution
of policing and justice powers to Northern Ireland, as some believe
Sinn Fein has held off on its threat to collapse the assembly out
of concerns the unionist parties would form an electoral pact in the
assembly election which would follow.
Policing
talks enter tenth day Talks to avert a crisis at Stormont enter their tenth day with no immediate deal in sight. Negotiations broke up at Hillsborough Castle, involving the DUP, Sinn Fein and the two governments, in the early hours of Wednesday morning. However, momentum is expected to be lost as senior party figures, including Secretary of State Shaun Woodward, attend Northern Ireland questions at Westminster later. Progress has stalled following reports that a significant number of DUP MLAs are reluctant to back ther party leadership on the make-up of any deal at the moment. The party have denied as many as 14 MLAs voted against the Hillsborough proposals, however, one MLA who spoke to the News Letter said rebels are "of like mind" on the issue and would not be changing their stance unless there are more Sinn Fein concessions. And a further MLA who many expect would have joined the deal sceptics in voting against the deal proposal, South Down's Jim Wells, was not at Monday's meeting because he was caring for his ill wife. The DUP has insisted that it is not riven with internal difficulties over the issue, with deputy leader Nigel Dodds rubbishing reports that MLAs had threatened to resign at Monday's meeting. But the MLA who spoke to the News Letter said that there was "no way (the rebels) were accepting the deal until the policing and justice issue was resolved in tandem with the parades issue". He said that if the current deal was accepted the party would be "hung out to dry" at the coming election. However, the Assembly member rejected claims that Peter Robinson's leadership of the party was in peril over the issue. "Peter's leadership is not in any doubt – he's the best leader we've ever had but we can't accept the package until the two things synchronise." So far, Sinn Fein has appeared relaxed at the DUP's refusal to accept the deal tentatively agreed between the two parties' negotiating teams at Hillsborough Castle on Saturday night, insisting that it believes an agreement can be secured. However, as concerns for the stability of the current Stormont set-up persist in the absence of a deal, the News Letter understands that plans are being drawn up to hold both Assembly and Westminster elections on the same date, probably May 6, if the Executive collapses. And in a statement, DUP MP Gregory Campbell played down reports of internal strife. "Each week the DUP Assembly group meets and on many occasions has votes. There is, as in every party, a healthy debate over a wide range of issues," he said. Prime Minister Gordon Brown phoned Ulster Unionist leader Sir Reg Empey yesterday to inform him of the latest developments in the policing and justice talks. "He was seeking to keep me informed but I indicated to him that I felt it was entirely wrong that he should have to do that – it should be up to the parties here to deal with their own business and not engage him to do it. "He said he hoped that when the document came out we'd find some of our concerns addressed but I told him that the only thing we can do is study it, consult and come to a conclusion because we haven't been involved in the negotiations." Sir Reg, who also met the DUP to discuss policing and justice yesterday, contrasted his position on the issue to that of the DUP when it was the smaller unionist party during the Good Friday Agreement negotiations in 1998. "When we were in similar circumstances 12 years ago, Robinson and others were out denouncing us and hounding us in a totally irresponsible way. "We could exploit this situation
if we wished but we are trying to find a way out of it because we
believe in devolution."
‘Division
in DUP ranks’ due to be discussed By Noel McAdam A crunch meeting of the DUP's executive is on the cards in an apparent bid to prevent divisions on a devolution deal developing into a split, it emerged last night. Majority backing from the party's executive will also be crucial if it is to sell a deal on the handover of police, prisons and legal system powers to Stormont with Sinn Fein input. The already-delayed quarterly executive meeting could come tomorrow or Friday depending on the outcome of a potentially make-or-break session of the party's MLAs this morning. Negotiations with Sinn Fein and the other parties are expected to go on now for most of this week. There are reports around 14 of the DUPs 36 MLAs have difficulties with the package of proposals on the devolution of policing and justice. Their concerns are believed to centre on how a Department of Justice might work, and the drafting of protocols for a future Justice Minister, as well as the timetable for the introduction of changes over how contentious parades could be dealt with. “The range from fairly minor misgivings to some who have deeper problems. On parades the concern is more broadly based than just individual parades,” one source said. A party spokesman said: “We are not ruling out a meeting of the executive over the next period. One is already due, but no decisions have been taken. “We have issues we still
need to be addressed and we are not going into what those are. We
need a deal which is going to be durable and there is still a lot
of work to be done.”
Explosion
at Belfast police station There has been a small explosion outside a police station in north Belfast. A police spokesperson said officers were investigating the incident which took place at the rear of Old Park police station. The blast caused damage to fencing at the perimeter wall. There were no reports of any injuries. Army bomb experts have been tasked
and a number of surrounding properties have been evacuated.
Real
IRA man found dead in Meath Well-known Real IRA member Seamus McGreevy (56) has been found dead at his home in Co Meath. Gardaí are not looking for anybody else in relation to the death. A cannabis growing operation was discovered last month in a rental property owned by McGreevy in Co Donegal. Some 1,500 plants, valued at €500,000, were found at the property, which was rented by tenants when gardaí raided it. Informed sources said McGreevy had been “stressed and under serious pressure” since the drugs were found at the house. His extradition was being sought by the Lithuanian authorities. McGreevy, Stamullen Road, Gormanston, Co Meath, was wanted in Lithuania for allegedly conspiring from Ireland to obtain weapons, ammunition and explosive substances four years ago. He received a four-year prison sentence in 2001 after pleading guilty to training people to use firearms in 1999. |
