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Latest News 9th March 2010 |
Today's
News and the Week in Review
Woodward,
Saville and MI5 By Eamonn McCann Shaun Woodward did not rule out, following his meeting with the Bloody Sunday families last week, that Government officials, including civil servants from the Ministry of Defence and members of MI5, will be allowed to go through the Saville Report before the families of the victims set eyes on it. The Northern Ireland secretary suggested (again) that he has no option. He insists that he is required to give MoD mandarins and the spooks advance access to the findings. This is not true. There is nothing in the Act - the Tribunals of Inquiry Act 1921 - to impose any such duty on a Minister. Nor in any subsequent amendment to the Act. Nor in any precedent from any previous inquiry. The explanation given by Woodward has no basis in fact. How the Northern Ireland Office came up with it is a mystery. Perhaps some civil servant sucked it out of his thumb. The Ministry of Defence was the soldiers' employer. During the hearings, MoD lawyers were explicit that the Ministry still owed "a duty of care" to the Bloody Sunday paratroopers. Now the same people are being invited to examine the report to see if the lives of any of those to whom they are still duty-bound might be put at risk. MI5 has, meanwhile, been invited to send agents in to check for any breaches of national security. This beggars belief. MI5 played a lying and deceitful role in the events leading up to Bloody Sunday. It fed the army top brass false information about the situation the soldiers would encounter in the Bogside. At the Inquiry, MI5 representatives stood by the lies and deceit which had helped prompt the bloodshed. More recent events show that MI5 is as devious in its ways, sordid in its thinking and untrustworthy of character as ever - particularly when it comes to "national security". It is worth recalling again that, on the Friday before last, Lord Neuberger, Master of the Rolls, launched an attack on MI5 for conniving in the torture of former Guantanamo detainee Binyam Mohamed and lying about it afterwards to parliament. The judge implied - and this is hugely relevant to Bloody Sunday and the Saville report - that Woodward's cabinet colleague, Foreign Secretary David Miliband, had been hoodwinked by MI5 into issuing three Public Interest Immunity Certificates falsely claiming that documents relating to the case should be withheld because national security was at stake. Neuberger examined the evidence and rejected MI5's explanation out of hand. He suggested that the real reason the agency wanted the documents suppressed was that they supported Mr. Mohamed's claim that MI5 officers had flown to Pakistan where he was being held by the CIA to put questions to him, even though the agency knew that he had been tortured by the Americans to try to force him to give information - information which, it turned out, he didn't have. In other words, Judge Neuberger found that MI5 connived at and took advantage of the torture of an innocent man and then suborned a Government Minister to issue three separate fraudulent documents to thwart the efforts of the courts to find out whether this had in fact happened. That's the publicly-stated view not of a bunch of anarchists or of the Socialist Workers' Party but of the British courts. The sheer arrogance of Woodward in suggesting that this discredited cabal of connivers in torture and liars about national security should be ushered into a reading room to pore over a report on a massacre which they themselves had a hand in, is as profound an insult as any British minister has ever delivered to aggrieved people. Woodward appears to have it somewhere in his mind that, despite the devastating nature of what he is proposing, there isn't going to be a political storm of the sort which might threaten to derail his plans or inflict political damage on himself. He must feel confident that no major force in politics here is going to offer him a no-holds-barred challenge on this one. Where, I wonder, can he have gotten
that idea from?
Assembly
passes justice devolution The Stormont Assembly has voted in favour of the devolution of policing and justice powers from Westminster, despite opposition from the Ulster Unionists. The vote underpins the Hillsborough Agreement brokered between the DUP and Sinn Féin to stabilise the power-sharing administration. The Assembly decision followed an acrimonious debate in which the Ulster Unionists resisted pressure to support the move, which will now lead to the creation of a Department of Justice for the six counties after the powers are devolved by April 12. Out of the 105 votes cast, a total of 88 were in support of the move, with only the Ulster Unionists voting against. DUP leader and Stormont First Minister Peter Robinson attacked the Ulster Unionists’ decision to vote against the devolution plans. He said the party was seeking political advantage and added: “I believe it is time for us all to move forward. There must be no going back to the bad old days of the past. “Throughout history there are times of challenge and defining moments. This is such a time. This is such a moment.” He added: “Leadership is not about what’s easiest, or what best suits our party interests, it is about doing what is right for our people.” The Ulster Unionists claimed the Executive must sort out other outstanding matters - such as the longstanding row over post-primary school transfer arrangements - before it can take on law and order functions. Its leader Reg Empey said: “I am immensely proud of the sacrifices my party has made for the cause of peace. Our determination to make Stormont work for all the people of northern Ireland - unionists, nationalists, all of us - continues.” Jeffrey Donaldson of the DUP accused the Ulster Unionists of not holding a “principled opposition” to the deal. “I regret that a party that claims it is a liberal party, that it is a middle of the road party couldn’t see today that leadership is about taking steps forward, not hesitating,” he said. “He who hesitates does not win.” Sinn Féin Dáil leader Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD welcomed the vote, saying it was “a good day for the peace process and a good day for Ireland”. He said: “Despite the blatant electioneering of the Ulster Unionist party the vote on the transfer of policing and justice powers from Britain to the six counties has been comfortably passed. “This transfer of powers is a long overdue part of the Good Friday Agreement which was signed almost twelve years ago. I welcome today’s vote which allows for the final transfer of powers to take place on 12th April. Today is a good day for the peace process and a good day for Ireland. “The importance and significance of this should be lost on no-one, least of all the governments in Dublin and London who need to ensure that they play their part to the full in ensuring that the agreements continue to be fulfilled and that the Executive, Assembly and all-Ireland structures are fully supported. “The Conservative party in Britain also needs to learn the lessons of its dalliance with the discredited Ulster Unionist party.” British Prime Minister Gordon Brown said the completion of devolution sent a “powerful message to those who would return to violence”. “The politics of progress have finally replaced the politics of division in northern Ireland”, he said. “The courage and leadership of the parties who voted to complete devolution at Stormont will be noted around the world.” He said the completion of devolution, supported by all sections of the community “is the final end to decades of strife”. “It sends the most powerful
message to those who would return to violence that democracy and tolerance
will prevail,” he added.
Marshall
family call for independent, international inquiry into collusion
murders Well over one thousand people attended a march and commemoration ceremony on Sunday to mark the 20th anniversary of the murder of Sam Marshall in Lurgan, County Armagh, on March 7, 1990. The march traced Sam Marshall’s final journey from the Kilwilke estate past Lurgan barracks to Kilmaine Street. The dead man’s family have called for an international, independent inquiry into all those cases where British security force involvement with murder squads is strongly suspected. Speaking after the commemoration, Gary Marshall said: “If the British government aren’t willing to tell the truth, then perhaps an independent and international inquiry is the only option for our family and for hundreds of other families. “Judge Cory recommended independent investigations into those handful of cases which he was asked to examine. He found that there was a definite case for Britain to answer in relation to the charges of collusion. His examination of those cases led to a number of inquiries, particularly into the murder of Rosemary Nelson, who represented our family until she was brutally murdered eleven years ago in March 1999. “Imagine what conclusion Judge Cory would have arrived at if he had been asked to examine those hundreds of other cases - cases like Sam’s, like that of the two young Cairns’ brothers in the Bleary, cases like Roseanne Mallon in Tyrone – cases where there already is ample evidence of direct police and military involvement.” Earlier, in her address to the huge crowd, which included many other families who have lost loved one’s through collusion, the dead man’s sister Fra stated that twenty years on from her own brother’s murder, there still had been no inquest. Nor, she added, had there ever been any public explanation given as to what three unmarked security force vehicles were doing in the vicinity of the murder scene that night immediately before the attack. Fra told the crowd: “In the absence of any other explanation, the only conclusion that we, as a family, can come to is that those vehicles and the undercover police and military personnel in them were there to assist and to provide cover for those who murdered our brother. “We have many unanswered questions which still remain into Sam’s murder, particularly the whole aspect of state forces’ conspiracy and collusion with those who pulled the triggers.” Referring to the Derry families of the Bloody Sunday victims she said: “We can, and we do, take inspiration from the families of the victims of Bloody Sunday in Derry in 1972. Thirty-eight years after the mass murder of their loved ones, they still continue with their unparalleled campaign for justice and truth. “Even now, the British government is still refusing to state whether it will finally publish the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth. “The truth is all that those families have asked for. “The truth is all that we ask for. “The truth is all that so many other families in the same position as our family are asking for. “Without the truth in each
and every case, then none of us can have justice.”
MI6 Recruiting
Openly in Ireland éirígí general secretary Breandán Mac Cionnaith has said the revelation that the British secret intelligence service MI6 is actively recruiting in the Six Counties indicates a further ratcheting up of the British government’s policy of occupation by stealth in Ireland. Within the past week, advertisements have been placed on the nijobfinder employment website seeking applications for “operatives” for the secret agency. The adverts for MI6, the most secretive and sinister agency within Britain’s intelligence network and whose very existence the British government refused to publicly admit until 1994, also indicates that its operatives will be located within the Six Counties. Mac Cionnaith said: “This latest revelation that even more of Britain's sinister forces are being deployed in the Six Counties demonstrates the futility of the current posturing amongst the Stormont political class in relation to what will clearly be an impotent policing and justice ministry. “In recent years, we have seen Britain gradually increase the levels of its secret forces in the North. First of all, we had the building of the MI5 base with its 400 plus staff located within the British army base at Palace Barracks on the outskirts of Belfast. “That was followed by the deployment last year of units of the British army’s undercover Special Reconnaissance Regiment [SRR]. The secrecy surrounding the SRR is even greater than that surrounding the notorious SAS, with very little information about the unit or its activities being permitted to enter the public domain. “Now, we are seeing the open recruitment by MI6 of agents to be located within the Six Counties. This amounts to the active deployment of the third branch of a tripartite of secretive forces, who are accountable to no-one.” Mac Cionnaith continued: “Given the history of MI6, including its spying missions in the Twenty-Six Counties and the widely held view that its operatives were involved in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, this recruitment and open deployment will give rise to concern among people across Ireland. “Just over a week ago, two of the most senior judges in Britain launched an unprecedented attack on both MI5 and MI6 for conniving in the torture of former Guantanamo internee Binyam Mohamed, lying about it afterwards and perjuring themselves in the courts. “Armed with its government’s Official Secrets Act, MI6 will ensure that no investigative journalist, no human rights organisations, no lawyers, and no political parties in Ireland will be able to establish where these spooks are based, or how far their operational remit will extend across Ireland. Nor will anyone be permitted to know if MI6 is being located within the various PSNI and British army bases in the Six Counties. “Such secrecy does not herald openness or transparency. It only heralds repression, injustice and the abuse of human rights. There is no place for any British intelligence agency in any part of Ireland, they should all be removed immediately.” Meanwhile, the decision by PSNI chief constable Matt Baggott to initiate high court proceedings tomorrow to prevent a coroner who is investigating a number of shoot-to-kill cases from accessing the Stalker/Sampson reports into those same state executions shows that little has changed in relation to the nature of policing in the Six Counties. éirígí general secretary, Breandán Mac Cionnaith said today, “Matt Baggott’s attempt to prevent full disclosure of the truth around the shoot-to-kill cases in North Armagh during the 1980's is further proof, if it were needed, of the continuity of policy from the RUC to the PSNI. Those who continually try to present the PSNI as some sort of friendly public service must publicly now explain why the PSNI is attempting to prevent the relatives of Britain’s notorious shoot-to-kill policy from learning the truth about the state execution of their loved ones. “The PSNI, in attempting to suppress the Stalker/Sampson report, is clearly showing it is following a direct line of continuity from the RUC in hiding the truth about Britain’s dirty war in the Six Counties. Mac Cionnaith added, “Baggott’s
high court action due to commence tomorrow demonstrates yet again
the political nature of the PSNI. This latest attempt to prevent the
truth being exposed in relation to those shoot-to-kill cases also
exposes the fact that changing the name of Britain's police force
in the Six Counties has made little difference to how British policing
in Ireland operates.”
Bid to
serve writ on McGuinness A leading victims campaigner attempted to serve a High Court writ on Martin McGuinness for his alleged part in IRA violence during a break from the heated justice debate at Stormont. Willie Frazer, who lost five relatives at the hands of republican paramilitaries during the Troubles, confronted the Sinn Fein Deputy First Minister in the Great Hall of Parliament Buildings with the legal papers accusing him of membership of the IRA army council that ordered the murder of his father. But Mr McGuinness, a self-confessed member of the IRA during the conflict, refused to accept the document, prompting Mr Frazer to throw it at him. A Sinn Fein spokesman later denied that a writ had been officially served. The well-known campaigner, who fronts the group Fair (Families Acting for Innocent Relatives), is trying to take a civil case against Mr McGuinness in Belfast High Court. "When challenged to his face, Mr McGuinness turned and walked away, unable to face the victims that he had helped create," said Mr Frazer, who has run for elected office on a number of occasions without success. "On a day when the issue of policing and justice was being discussed, victims chose their time well to raise this matter." A spokesman for Mr McGuinness dismissed the significance of the incident. "Martin McGuinness received no writ from Willie Frazer," he said. "The only writ Martin McGuinness has received is the one from the Irish people who vote for him. Willie Frazer's involvement in politics is akin to the Monster Raving Loony party. He is a political failure." Mr Frazer's father James, a soldier
in the Ulster Defence Regiment, was shot dead by the IRA in Co Armagh
in August 1975.
UUP no
vote 'not a crisis' The Ulster Unionists have denied that their decision to vote no in a crucial assembly vote on the devolution of policing and justice will plunge the power-sharing institutions into crisis. "There isn't a crisis in Northern Ireland", UUP Strangford MLA David McNarry told UTV Live Tonight. "The Assembly is not going to crash (...). Peter Robinson and his DUP colleagues along with Martin McGuinness and Sinn Fein will walk hand-in-hand into the lobby to vote yes to this". "We are taking a principled stand." Under the Hillsborough agreement, policing and justice powers will be devolved on 12 April, if a resolution jointly tabled by the First and Deputy First Ministers gets cross-community support in an Assembly vote on Tuesday. Sinn Fein and the DUP have enough MLAs in the Assembly to secure the required cross-community vote. 'Bullied' On Monday night, UUP leader Sir Reg Empey said his party's executive endorsed a decision to vote against the proposals, claiming the power-sharing government is not ready to take on the new powers. "We are not prepared to be blackmailed. We are not prepared to be bullied. We've been around a long time. Our strength is our history", Sir Reg said. "We are prepared to go forward and look to the future," he added, "but not under the cosh of all this blackmail and bullying." A statement issued by the Ulster Unionist party added: "The Ulster Unionist Party wants to see these powers exercised by a local minister accountable to local representatives. However the conditions must be right - we must show that the Assembly can handle the power that it has before it takes on even more contentious powers." Secretary of State Shaun Woodward said a UUP rejection would fail to block the measures, but would send a divisive signal on the first anniversary of the murder of police officer Constable Stephen Carroll, who was shot by the Continuity IRA as he answered a call for help in Craigavon, Co Armagh, on 9 March 2009. Following the remarks, the UUP condemned "the inappropriate behaviour of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland". Their decision was announced amid reports of a late intervention by former US President George Bush, urging the UUP's allies in the Conservative Party to use their influence with Sir Reg. The Guardian newspaper claimed that Mr Bush asked Conservative leader David Cameron to persuade the Ulster Unionists to back the deal on Tuesday. Shadow Northern Ireland secretary Owen Paterson confirmed that Mr Bush had had "a very constructive and friendly conversation" with Mr Cameron. US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton also phoned the UUP leadership urging their support. 'Colossal' "I think they made a colossal mistake," former DUP leader Ian Paisley told reporters gathered in Ballymena as he announced his retirement as MP for north Antrim. "But I think that their colossal mistake was to join up with the Conservatives, because unionism is not conservatism. Unionism is a rallying of all the people who want to keep the Union and keep the place British", Mr Paisley said. Alliance leader David Ford, who is tipped to become Justice Minister, said that if the Ulster Unionists failed to back the Hillsborough deal on Tuesday, the Conservative Party should end its link with the party. Mr Ford said: "If the UUP vote no on the agreement then the Tories face no option but to end the link with them to save what credibility they have left on Northern Ireland. "If the Tories allow this sham marriage to continue after a no vote, they will demonstrate a total lack of principle and leadership." The comments came after a dramatic day at Stormont where two separate government opinion polls were unveiled to show major public support for the devolution of the policing powers. The UUP was the only party to boycott the unveiling of the Hillsborough Agreement last month. Sir Reg repeatedly complained that he had been kept in the dark during the marathon talks between the DUP and Sinn Fein. Last month, he told UTV his party would not sign up to the deal unless a "consensus" was found to solve the education debate. He has also been highly critical of what he calls the "dysfunctional nature of the executive". Sinn Fein junior minister Gerry Kelly said the UUP was playing "crude politics" with people's future. "I think the overwhelming majority of people want this to happen. "I think it's going to happen tomorrow and we are delighted to be at this point," he said. DUP leader Peter Robinson repeated that he believed the Hillsborough agreement represented a good deal for unionism. "We have an agreement that
is sound. It provides safety and security to the people of Northern
Ireland", Mr Robinson told UTV.
David
Cameron urges Ulster Unionists to back deal Conservative leader David Cameron has said his party has done all it can to encourage the Ulster Unionists to back a deal on policing and justice powers. The NI Assembly is voting on devolving the powers on Tuesday and ex-US President George W Bush has asked Mr Cameron to help secure UUP support. The Conservatives have an electoral pact with the UUP, prompting the call. But Mr Cameron said: "The one thing we cannot do is force people to vote a particular way." He added: "We played a thoroughly constructive role, very, very supportive of what the government wants to do and what we all want to do, which is to see devolution work properly." The Assembly has begun its final debate on the transfer of powers before the vote, expected on Tuesday afternoon. On Monday, the UUP said it would vote "no". That decision was criticised by the deputy first minister Martin McGuinness in the debate on Tuesday. He said he believed the party were opposed for "cynical, party political reasons". He added: "Here is a party that complains about not being involved in decision making and yet refuses to make any contribution and boycotted the final session at Hillsborough." The Ulster Unionists' decision will not scupper the deal as the DUP and Sinn Fein have enough votes to ensure that it is passed. However, the DUP would like UUP support to show that the deal has wide backing among the unionist community. Mr Bush and US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton have both applied pressure to the UUP. 'Blackmail' Mrs Clinton spoke to UUP leader Sir Reg Empey on Friday. However, the former Ulster Unionist MP, Lord Maginnis, has said his party would not give in to what he called "blackmail" or "bribery". "What on earth do they know about about day-to-day security, policing and justice in Northern Ireland?" he said. The vote at Stormont is the first major hurdle for the Hillsborough Castle deal, which was struck last month in an historic agreement between the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Fein. If the vote is passed, it will lead to powers being devolved by 12 April. The UUP have faced intense pressure from across the political spectrum to change their position. On Monday, the party accused Northern Ireland Secretary Shaun Woodward of political and emotional blackmail. UUP deputy leader Danny Kennedy said Mr Woodward had "disgracefully" linked the vote to the anniversary of the murder of Constable Stephen Carroll. The vote takes place exactly a year after the police officer was murdered by the Continuity IRA in Craigavon. On Tuesday the policeman's widow, Kate, called a BBC Radio Ulster phone-in to ask all politicians in Northern Ireland to "get on with their job." The former DUP leader, Ian Paisley, said the UUP were making "a colossal mistake" by not voting for the devolution of policing and justice powers. Disagreement on the timing of the devolution of the justice powers had threatened to collapse Northern Ireland's power-sharing administration. However, in February, Northern Ireland's two main parties made the agreement which, if the powers are devolved as expected, will see a justice minister elected. The Hillsborough Agreement allows for the first and deputy first ministers to identify a candidate who would command cross-community support in the assembly. Alliance leader David Ford is favourite to take the post. The two smaller parties in Northern Ireland's mandatory coalition - the UUP and the SDLP - have insisted Alliance has no right to the post under the d'Hondt system for selecting ministers, which was agreed in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. The UUP also said they could not back the Hillsborough deal on policing and justice because it failed to address matters such as education, parading and "the dysfunctional nature of the current executive". Some commentators have also speculated
that the UUP are unwilling to give political cover to the DUP as they
recall how that party did them no favours when they were striking
deals with Sinn Fein.
Analysis:
UUP rejectionist strategy a risky game in the run-up to election The UUP now finds itself under fire from the DUP for not backing a deal underpinning power-sharing devolution involving Sinn Fein. The stance being taken by Ulster Unionists on today's Assembly vote is potentially very risky. They are now being accused of siding with the “rejectionist wing” of unionism. That would be an awkward place to be in the run-up to an election — in the narrow space to the “right” of the DUP where Jim Allister has already pitched his tent. And critics are also seeking to drive a wedge between the UUP and their Tory Party partners, who would dearly love to see Stormont stabilised. This is not to say that there is not an internal logic to what the Ulster Unionists are doing. For a start, there is a natural political instinct not to make life easy for your electoral rivals. Their position is also linked to the trauma of what has happened to the party over the last 10 years or so. The DUP bombarded it from the sky for supporting the Belfast Agreement, then moved onto the centre ground itself with its espousal of the St Andrews Agreement. Memories are still raw within the UUP from that bitter experience. It also firmly believes that the DUP leadership wanted to use it as cover over the Hillsborough Castle Agreement, to keep its own hardline wing and the TUV at bay. There is a strong level of distrust of the DUP in Ulster Unionist hearts. They did not believe a new spirit of inter-unionist co-operation and harmony would follow if it backed the Hillsborough deal. However, internal party logic does not always mean much in the real world. The UUP has to guard against voters concluding that it is simply sulking, or that it has performed a U-turn and become a “no” party. Politics is not known for being fair. Grievances about how it has been treated over the past decade may not count for much in reality. Allied to all this is the bigger question of what the UUP is going to stand for in future, not least with its main unionist rival also in the pro-power-sharing camp. Some in the party want to head down the unionist unity route, while others believe the future lies in deepening the Tory link. And given its regular denunciations
of the “dysfunctional Executive”, will the party now consider
pulling out of the Stormont administration and taking up an opposition
role?
City
name change issue is 'dead' DUP MP Gregory Campbell has said the issue of changing the name of the city from Londonderry to Derry is "dead". Derry City Council failed to reach agreement at a meeting on Monday. Proposals were put forward by Sinn Fein and the SDLP but both were rejected. Mr Campbell said an equality impact assessment showed 3,000 people in favour of a change, but 9,000 were against it. "That result is very clear the issue is dead, and it's time to move on." Mr Campbell criticised Sinn Fein for "engaging in wild goose chases". "They are still campaigning for a united Ireland, they are not going to get that either "They have to get used to the fact you campaign for something and you don't always get it, but that's life, you live it and move on." The SDLP had proposed to defer any action until a working group had been set up and further consultation carried out. Sinn Fein proposed that the council should go ahead with its original plan to approach the privy council about changing the city's official name to Derry. Sinn Fein Councillor, Kevin Campbell said it is accepted that the "majority of people when referring to the City call it Derry". "Even unionist organizations proudly bear the historic name Derry. What is the SDLP's problem with proceeding with a council policy which it has already endorsed," Mr Campbell added. "This debate has been exhaustive and I believe that it is time that decisive action is taken to restore the rightful and historic name to this city. "Further prevarication will only add to the confusion when attempting to market the city with a plethora of names." SDLP councillor Helen Quigley said she was disappointed the party's proposals were voted down. "The SDLP has always been fully supportive of moves to have Derry officially recognised as the name of our city. "Unfortunately other parties
including Sinn Fein would rather play political games and voted against
this idea and a subsequent plan for group leaders to come together
to work out a possible way forward," she said.
Three
loyalists held over collusion murders Three men have been arrested by members of the PSNI investigating a string of loyalist murders in north Belfast. The suspects, aged 28, 32 and 62, were arrested in the greater Belfast area and have been taken to the serious crime suite at Antrim PSNI station for questioning. A PSNI spokesperson said: “This is a large and complex investigation which will continue for a considerable time.” The Historical Enquiries Team (HET) had been re-examining at least ten murders blamed on the UVF, but the investigations were taken over by the PSNI, who are said to have taken on at least twenty more cases. Operation Ballast investigated an Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) gang based in the loyalist Mount Vernon estate in north Belfast. The original probe was set up after it was revealed that British security forces had colluded with the UVF terrorists in the murders. Following a complaint from Belfast man Raymond McCord, whose son Raymond Junior was murdered by the UVF in 1997, former six county Police Ombudsman Nuala O’Loan examined the available evidence and made public her damning revelations. She exposed how loyalist paramilitary
murderers were protected from prosecution again and again because
they were RUC/PSNI agents.
Rows
and Statistics The Devenport Diaries It's been a hot and heavy end to the day at Stormont with a bemused Sir Reg Empey complaining about Martin McGuinness throwing him and his colleagues out of his Deputy First Minister's Office, after they objected to being "lectured" about their supposed anti-agreement stance. The Ulster Unionists had started the day fulminating against Shaun Woodward over his eve of vote poll suggesting most of their supporters did not back their line on the justice transfer. Then came further poll woes with the release of a similar survey conducted on behalf of the Office of the First and Deputy First Ministers. Both surveys included some rather leading questions. For example respondents were asked to agre or disagree with the statement "I believe we should transfer policing and justice powers to Stormont so that the Executive can get on with the job of improving life for everyone in Northern Ireland." That said there is some interesting stuff in the OFMDFM survey about people's desire for the First and Deputy First to work together, and the gap between this aspiration and how well people think the Executive is doing its job. Additionally less than half those interviewed felt well informed about what the Executive is doing (maybe that's my fault!) Neither the NIO nor the OFMDFM released figures on which parties those interviewed supported, even though both polls were apparently conducted on a representative sample of 1000 people. However I have obtained some figures on this score which appear to show the DUP well in the lead of the UUP and record a surprisingly low score fof the TUV. There have long been doubts about the reliability of NI polls when it comes to voting intentions and this is maybe born out by an equally surprising set of low figures for Sinn Fein in comparison to the SDLP. I don't know how many people in the NIO commissioned survey declined to answer, but I gather that in the OFMDFM poll 26% of those who were interviewed over the phone refused to say which party they backed, whilst 13% gave no affiliation. So, as ever, a note of caution. But these are the figures given me unofficially. NIO commissioned poll DUP 26% OFMDFM Commissioned Poll DUP 30%
Meeting
breaks down A meeting between Martin McGuinness and a delegation of Ulster Unionists to discuss the party’s stance on the devolution of policing and justice broke down in acrimony this evening. The encounter between Mr McGuinness and the delegation, which took place in the Deputy First Minister’s office at Stormont on the eve of a critical assembly vote on transferring justice and policing powers from Westminster to Stormont, lasted all of three minutes. The Ulster Unionists claimed Mr McGuinness told the delegation to leave his office. A spokesperson said: “An ill-tempered Deputy First Minister attempted to aggressively lecture the Ulster Unionist party on policing and justice. “He ridiculously accused us of being an anti-agreement party. “Our delegation robustly reminded the Deputy First Minister that we were the party which brought power-sharing government to Stormont. “Quite clearly dissent and disagreement are unacceptable to Sinn Féin – unfortunately for Mr McGuinness, a party voting against a motion with which it disagrees is basic, normal democratic politics.” The spokesperson added that McGuinness’ “angry and aggressive attempt to lecture” the party was “wholly unacceptable”. “When challenged on his tone, the meeting broke down. The UUP will not take lectures on our commitment to devolution from Martin McGuinness. “If this is how Sinn Féin understands power-sharing, then it is small wonder that the executive is dysfunctional.” Sinn Féin MLA Gerry Kelly said: “It probably says much of the current state of the UUP that they go running to the media claiming that Martin McGuinness threw them out of his offices this afternoon. “What actually happened was that the UUP requested a meeting with Martin McGuinness. Martin facilitated that meeting. “Early in the meeting Fred Cobain stated that he wasn’t at the meeting with Martin McGuinness to listen to anything the Deputy First Minister wanted to say. “Martin correctly pointed out that if that was the case there was little point in Mr Cobain continuing to be there. “At that point Mr Cobain left the meeting followed in dribs and drabs by his party colleagues. “I have to say it seems the UUP are determined to remain on the rejectionist hook they have put themselves on. “The proposals they put
forward last week to undermine the Good Friday Agreement, introduce
multiple executive vetoes and introduce majority rule by the back
door, are further evidence of this.”
New NI
justice minister will be 'enemy of the Irish people', says dissident Geraldine Taylor of Republican Sinn Féin says the devolved justice department will be another 'extension of British occupation' Northern Ireland's new justice minister will be as much an "enemy of the Irish people" as police officers and British soldiers, the political allies of the Continuity IRA have warned. On the eve of the Stormont's assembly decision to appoint a minister to take charge of policing and justice, Republican Sinn Féin – a dissident republican group that broke away from Sinn Féin in 1986 – said the new department would only be another "extension of British occupation". In the assembly tomorrow, the Northern Ireland parties will vote on whether to appoint a justice minister – the final act of devolution. The Ulster Unionist party is meeting tonight to decide whether to support the move. But Geraldine Taylor, the veteran west Belfast republican and vice-president of RSF, said whoever got elected to the post would be "directing British policy and directing the occupation of Ireland". At the party's Falls Road headquarters, flanked by a number of young republicans from the North Armagh area where the CIRA has a growing base, Taylor said a new justice minister would be "part and parcel of the British crown". Asked how the new minister would be regarded by what she called the "Republican Movement" (the umbrella term encompassing RSF and CIRA), Taylor replied: "They would be an enemy of the Irish people in just the same way as a British soldier or police officer serving in the PSNI/RUC." Her remarks were made on the weekend of the first anniversary of the Massereene and Craigavon shootings. The Real IRA shot dead two British soldiers outside the Antrim army barracks on 7 March 2009. Forty-eight hours later the Continuity IRA shot and killed Constable Stephen Carroll – the first PSNI officer to die at the hands of republican dissidents. Since that upsurge in armed activity the dissidents have gravely wounded another PSNI officer in an under-car booby trap bomb, shot up to a dozen men in Derry in a series of so-called "punishment shootings", exploded a large bomb at Newry court house and killed one of their own members for allegedly working for the security forces. A number of young Lurgan republicans who support RSF told the Guardian they expected an upsurge in what they claimed was police harassment in their area following the creation of a local justice ministry. RSF's press officer for Lurgan, Martin Duffy, handed the Guardian a plastic baton round the shape of a roll-on deodorant. Duffy claimed it had been fired last week at point-blank range and had injured a 21-year-old man from the town during disturbances in the area. "This man did not go to hospital because he feared he would be arrested by the police. He was not involved in any riot or is connected politically to us. "The trouble in the area last weekend broke out over a supposed hoax device which the PSNI first examined at noon last Saturday, moved away from and didn't return to until about 10pm that night. They knew that by coming back to late in the evening that trouble would break out between themselves and young people. In between they left that hoax there knowing that cars and people were going past it," Duffy said. One Lurgan man who called himself "John Black" also alleged that the British army's Special Reconnaissance Regiment was still openly maintaining a presence in the Lurgan/Craigavon area. "Whether or not there is a justice minister this week coming means nothing to us. There are British soldiers on our streets, police provoking young people and helicopters and police spotter plans above in the sky round the clock. Although, as Geraldine says, a local justice minister will want to be seen to come down harder on real republicans," he said. Black added that there was widespread anger in Lurgan and Craigavon over Sinn Féin branding those taking on the PSNI as apolitical dole-sponging drunks. "One Provo assembly member told local radio last week that 'they must have got their Giro cheques'. These were young people standing up to the PSNI/RUC. They were not drunks or layabouts. They were carrying on a tradition of resistance to the state," Taylor added. While there is some evidence of support building among disaffected republican youths in North Armagh area the majority of nationalists remain solidly behind Sinn Féin and the peace process. Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist party are driving moves towards devolving policing and justice powers to the assembly. The two main parties have agreed on a compromise candidate as justice minister – the leader of the centrist, non-sectarian Alliance party, David Ford. Between them the DUP and Sinn Féin have enough votes in the assembly to elect Ford to the post. The other two parties in the Stormont power-sharing coalition, the SDLP and the Ulster Unionists, confirmed over the weekend that they would not be backing Ford for the job. Regardless however of the outcome
of Tuesday's vote in the assembly it is clear that in the small pockets
of support that the Real IRA and CIRA enjoy there seems little chance
that the final act of devolution will deter the dissidents from "armed
struggle".
Policing
vote 'assembly's most important' – Woodward Tuesday's vote on devolving justice powers is the most important in the assembly's history, Secretary of State Shaun Woodward has said. Mr Woodward has urged the Ulster Unionists to end their opposition to the transfer. Two influential US congressional groups have also urged the UUP to "take a risk for peace", as has American Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. Mr Woodward said he hoped all MLAs would recognise their responsibilities. He said this would not only complete devolution but would send a signal to dissident republicans "that the peace process is going to be completed and that local politicians will now want to take responsibility for policing and justice". However, the UUP's David McNarry said the secretary of state should "butt out and stop meddling in our affairs". The UUP has been refusing to endorse the Hillsborough Agreement, insisting that matters such as education, parading and "the dysfunctional nature of the current Executive" must be addressed. "You wouldn't buy a machine that already malfunctioned and overload it then with more than it could cope with," Mr McNarry said. "They have enough votes, Sinn Fein and the DUP to get us through this and this is all just hype, it's just fabrication. "We're doing what we've always done, we're responsible, and actually it was us who put devolution on the map. Congressmen In a statement at the weekend, two US congressional groups urged the UUP to "take a risk for peace". They also called on Conservative Party leader David Cameron to use his influence with the party. Ulster Unionists have said their final decision will be made on Monday evening. The latest appeal follows a weekend of telephone diplomacy in which US Secretary Hillary Clinton phoned Ulster Unionist leader Sir Reg Empey in an effort to move the situation forward. They talked for about 15 minutes. Afterwards Ulster Unionist sources said Mrs Clinton did not try to strong-arm them into changing their position. Mrs Clinton also spent 15 minutes talking to Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness from Sinn Fein. The US statement issued by the Friends of Ireland in the United States House of Representatives and the Ad Hoc Committee on Irish Affairs expressed "deep disappointment" at the Ulster Unionist stance. The five congressmen who signed it - Richard E Neal, Peter King, Joseph Crowley, Chris Smith and Tim Murphy - said this was a "crucial and defining moment in the peace process". 'Rejection' Meanwhile, an opinion poll commissioned by the Northern Ireland Office suggests 68% of people in Northern Ireland want to see local politicians taking responsibility for policing and justice. A total of 1,000 people were interviewed for the poll on Friday and Saturday. A clear majority - 68% - told the pollsters that local ministers should make decisions on policing whilst only 14% wanted the powers to remain with direct rule ministers. A similar percentage backed the Hillsborough deal negotiated last month. The release of these findings
at this stage is no coincidence - London, Dublin and Washington are
keen to see the Hillsborough deal implemented and anxious that the
Ulster Unionists' reservations should not have a destabilising impact
on the DUP's willingness to vote "yes".
Republic
of Ireland sets aside prison spaces for dissidents Prison spaces have been set aside for more than a trebling of the population of dissident terrorists behind bars in the Republic. This revelation came as Irish justice minister Dermot Ahern warned renegade republicans of a “relentless” Garda crackdown on their activities on the southern side of the border. There are currently 56 dissident prisoners locked up in the E1 wing of the maximum security Portlaoise jail, which has traditionally housed terrorist inmates. Senior prison officials said last night that cell space was available to accommodate a huge increase in the number of dissident inmates, despite the overall pressure on cell numbers in the jails generally. While the threat level in the
Republic is lower than in Northern Ireland, officers are concerned
that the strength of the combined dissident groups in the south could
be as high as 150 activists.
UUP
opposes NI policing deal The Ulster Unionists insisted today they remained opposed to the landmark agreement to devolve policing powers to Northern Ireland despite weekend contact from the US administration. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton phoned UUP leader Sir Reg Empey after his party announced on Friday that it would not back the Hillsborough Agreement at a crucial vote at the Stormont Assembly this Tuesday. Sir Reg said he appreciated the call from Mrs Clinton, but stressed that his party still intended to vote ‘No’ on the proposal to transfer law and order responsibilities from London to Belfast in April. “She (Mrs Clinton) has always taken a very keen interest in Northern Ireland and I thanked her for the call,” he said. “She’s obviously very anxious to see a successful resolution but I explained the situation we faced. She was very pleasant and helpful and I think she understands our view that we should have been more involved (in the Hillsborough talks).” Sir Reg said “nothing substantive” had developed over the weekend to address any of his party’s concerns over the wide-ranging agreement on justice devolution and parades that was hammered out after 10 days of round the clock talks between Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionists at Hillsborough Castle, Co Down last month. However, the East Belfast MLA did not close the door on a potential change of position ahead of the UUP executive meeting tomorrow night, when the party will make a final decision on how it will vote. While Sinn Féin and the DUP have the electoral strength to push through the accord when it is put before the Assembly, a rejection from the UUP will deprive them of the unanimous support they crave. The Ulster Unionist stance is also potentially problematic for the Conservative Party, which has an electoral pact with the UUP in Northern Ireland. David Cameron is a supporter of the Hillsborough deal and he now faces the prospect of going to the polls aligned to a party which opposes it. The UUP claim the Stormont Executive needs to demonstrate an ability to address other outstanding issues facing it - such as the uncertainty over education reforms - before it can be trusted with security powers. After spelling out the party position on Friday, the UUP sent proposals to all Stormont’s other parties in a bid to address its concerns. A working group jointly chaired by Sir Reg to look at improving the working of the Executive meets tomorrow morning and the UUP leader said those discussions could have some impact on his party’s thinking. He said while no talks were scheduled tomorrow with DUP First Minister Peter Robinson or Sinn Féin Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness, he would welcome a meeting with them. “If something arises, then it arises,” he said. “I would be very willing to meet.” It is understood Mrs Clinton also called Mr McGuinness to discuss the state of play ahead of Tuesday’s vote. Yesterday Mr McGuinness told his party's adfheis the Ulster Unionists had three days to “sort themselves out”, accusing them of pursuing a “negative and rejectionist agenda”. The DUP had initially cast doubt over whether it would back the deal if the UUP did not row in behind it, but Mr Robinson has been more upbeat in recent days, indicating that he is prepared to go ahead without Ulster Unionist backing. But Stormont’s two main
parties, and the British and Irish Governments, have stressed the
importance of a unanimous vote, claiming it would send out a loud
message to those seeking to undermine the power-sharing institutions,
in particular dissident republicans.
Woodward
denies IRA 'on the runs' given pardons The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland has denied that pardons have been granted to a quarter of the so-called 'on the run' members of the IRA. Tyrone republican Gerry McGeough told the Sunday Tribune 47 of the 216 fugitives were told they could return. Mr McGeough, who is to stand trial for IRA membership and attempted murder of a UDR man in 1981, said his lawyers uncovered the information. Shaun Woodward said there was no secret deal on 'on the runs'. "I think when people actually look at the facts the idea of pardons being given is complete nonsense," he said. Mr McGeough said his lawyers would challenge the prosecution on Monday using information obtained from the Northern Ireland Office under the Freedom of Information Act. He said Sinn Fein provided the authorities the names of 216 'on the runs', whose files were then reviewed to determine if they were "wanted". The NIO told the paper decisions
were based on the evidence; whether they were in the public interest
and that political considerations played no part in the assessment.
Bombers'
suspected getaway car removed after being burned out A suspected getaway car used by dissident republican bombers disappeared after being left for two days without police examination, officers admitted today. The burned-out vehicle was abandoned in Drumintee, south Armagh, after a car bomb attack on nearby Newry courthouse last month. But while the Police Service of Northern Ireland received reports of the burning car 20 minutes after the blast in Newry, 48 hours later it was removed from the site without their knowledge by unknown persons. If the car was the vehicle used by the bombers, it could have held vital forensic clues as to their identity. No one was injured in the 250lb Newry bomb, but the court building was badly damaged. The police explained that they had not initially approached the car in case it was a booby trap. “Police received a report of a vehicle on fire in the area of Drumintee just before 11pm on Monday February 22,” said a PSNI spokeswoman. “During Tuesday, officers made inquiries to establish if the vehicle was linked to the bomb attack at Newry courthouse. However, due to concerns that the vehicle may have been a lure to attack police, officers were unable to respond as fully or as quickly as they would have wished. “On Wednesday morning police learned that the vehicle had been removed. “The PSNI is committed to investigating the courthouse bomb attack but it has an over-riding responsibility to protect and preserve life. This applies as much to police officers and staff as to everyone else in the community.” She said enquiries into the whereabouts of the vehicle were ongoing and urged anyone with information to come forward. The revelation prompted an angry response from the leader of the hardline Traditional Unionist Voice party, Jim Allister. Mr Allister asked why the car was not kept under observation even if officers were not able to approach it. “The fact that it could
be removed is not just embarrassing but a telling indication of who
really controls South Armagh, evidently, not the PSNI,” he said.
Irish
police 'battle' violence threat from dissidents By Mark Simpson The violent threat posed by dissident republicans is a "constant battle" for police both sides of the Irish border, a minister in the Irish Republic says. Justice Minister Dermot Ahern also said the determination of dissident groups to mount attacks was "getting stronger and stronger". His comments come as a service will be held to mark the first anniversary of the deaths of two soldiers in Antrim. The Real IRA shot Patrick Azimkar and Mark Quinsey at Massereene army base. The memorial ceremony is to take place inside the Massereene barracks later, led by members of the 38th Engineers Regiment. 'Co-operation' In the aftermath of the double killing, a police officer, Stephen Carroll, was shot dead by the Continuity IRA. In a statement at the time, the Continuity IRA said: "As long as there is British involvement in Ireland, these attacks will continue." There were fears that Northern Ireland could slide back towards full-scale violence. But that did not happen and the peace process remains strong, in spite of the continued efforts to destroy it. Mr Ahern said the police in Northern Ireland and the Republic were co-operating closely to try to stop the dissidents. In a BBC interview, he said: "It's a constant battle. As soon as you put some into prison, others pop up, and obviously after people serve their prison sentences sometimes they go back to their nefarious activities. "There's been a succession of incidents, really from last September onwards. Thirteen major incidents. They've been escalating in their seriousness. The resolve of these people seems to be getting stronger and stronger." He also said the Real IRA and the Continuity IRA had begun working together on some attacks. "This is significant in that, perhaps, some of the capabilities that one would have, might feed into the other, and vice versa. And this is something that is worrying the security services." The threat level is reflected in the range and geographical spread of attacks so far this year - a booby-trap bomb in Co Antrim, gun attacks in Co Armagh, a car-bomb in Co Down and a fatal shooting in Co Londonderry. Power sharing Although the police have been the main targets of the dissidents, no officer has been killed since Constable Carroll. The overall level of violence is well below what it used to be in Northern Ireland. While the Real IRA and Continuity IRA may have recruited some new members in the past year, there is no evidence of a major influx. Their political allies continue to attract only minimal support and there is no sign of them putting themselves forward in the forthcoming Westminster election. It seems they realise they would be electorally humiliated. The Hillsborough Castle agreement in February was a sign that the power-sharing Stormont Assembly may be settling down after months of uncertainty. The recent increase in violence is seen as an attempt to try to destabilise the situation again. The dissidents want to wreck the Assembly. The political parties at Stormont are determined not to let them win. The peace process has been tested in the past year, and it has proved to be much more resilient than some had feared. However, these remain challenging
times in Northern Ireland, for the police and politicians alike.
Gerry
Adams’ speech to Ard Fheis Full text of the speech delivered by Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams to the party’s Ard Fheis at the RDS in Dublin this evening: “A half a million citizens unemployed. Social welfare payments cut. Wages cut. Health and Education in crisis. Families facing eviction. Mass emigration back again. Parts of the country under water. In other parts the drinking water is unsafe. Billions of taxpayers money gifted to a dysfunctional, toxic banking system. Widespread anger, rage even, at the government parties. And a sense of hopelessness and disbelief. It would be easy for me to stand up here and to rail against the government; to become Mr Angry for a half an hour. But that is not enough. Most people know how bad this government is - they elected it. Which is why there is such a sense of betrayal. Most people also know that the policies of a Fine Gael led government would be no different from this one. The Irish people deserve better. Everyone who lives on this island has the right to a home; to a safe environment; to access to education and child-care; to civil and religious liberty, and to meaningful work with proper terms and conditions. Everyone has the right to health care. Everybody has the right to equality, and to respect and dignity. This is the essence of republicanism. It is the essence of citizenship. Is any of this reflected in today's Ireland? The answer to that is no. Sinn Féin believes in a genuine republic. Not a nominal dictionary republic, but one in which the people are truly sovereign. I gceann cúpla seachtain beidh muid ag ceiliúradh agus cuimhní ar na mná is na fír a chuaigh amach le linn Seachtain na Cásca. Chuir said brat na hÉireann os cionn Oifig an Phoist anseo i mBaile Átha Cliath. Is maith is eol dúinn go raibh fís ag na fir agus na mná seo. Bhí sé de rún acu deireadh a chur le riail na Breataine sa tír seo agus tír iomlán nua a thógáil anseo. Bhí fís acu don Phoblacht Nua le saoirse ag a chroílár. An aithneodh siad an stát seo mar bhuaic na haislinge sin? Ní dóigh liom é. The Proclamation of the Republic asserts the need to cherish all the children of the nation equally. It doesn't say twenty six counties of the nation. It speaks of ALL the nation and ALL its parts. All thirty two counties. The Proclamation speaks to ALL the children of the nation. It doesn't say 'unless you are poor or elderly' or 'unless you have autism' or 'learning difficulties or disabilities' or 'unless you come from a remote rural area' or 'from Moyross or Sheriff Street or Strabane or Ballymena'. It doesn't say 'unless you are a child in the care of the state'. The protection of children is a fundamental human right. The protection of children is the responsibility of all of us and it should be guaranteed in the constitution. The establishment parties, like us, know that republicanism is in many ways the conscience of the Irish people. Little wonder that they wrap themselves in republican rhetoric while avoiding any genuine examination of the real meaning of republicanism. Which brings us to the hard question. How can society be changed? How can a real republic be achieved? The answer to that starts in the heart. It is a belief in people. That is the starting point. And what starts in the heart has to move to the head. It is not enough to wax lyrical about peoples' rights. Caithfidh muid seasamh le chéile. We have to stand up for these rights. The people of Ireland have yet to realise our destiny as a nation. We have yet to complete our journey. Forty years ago the IRA appeared on the streets of Belfast when republicans joined with the people of Ballymaccarett in the defence of St Matthews chapel and An Trá Ghearr. That single act of resistance. This stand against the Orange State marked the beginning of a journey for many activists that has been played out on the streets, in the jails and around the negotiating table. Imagine what can be achieved now in these more peaceful times with the leveling of the political playing field and in a climate were the phony republicanism of the establishment is being laid bare. So, we have to build on all that is good in our society. We have to recognise all our heroes and heroines, all the carers and health workers, all the active citizens in the community and the voluntary sector, people involved in sports, the arts and music, all those citizens who create hope in place of misery, and common purpose in place of mé féinism and selfishness. The key to building the new republic, democratically shaped by the people, is to start now. We have to embrace our strengths, our language, our unique culture, our history. And all of us who believe in a better way; in a just society; in a real republic, we need to make our beliefs relevant to more and more people. We need to be about empowerment, we need to raise our voices, we need to make a stand. If ever Ireland needed leadership it needs it now. Leaders from throughout our communities. Leaders who will make a stand. The Irish people needs leaders who will give voice on the ground and from the ground up to the belief they have in their hearts so that hope and networks for change can be built. The Irish people needs leaders to ensure that no banker will evict a family from their home, that no farm of land will be sold off over a family's head, that no worker will be victimised. We need leaders to ensure that no community will be robbed of its social entitlements. But let me be clear about this. I am not talking about leaders coming down to us from on high. I am talking about everyone who is prepared to make a stand against corruption, greed and injustice. Every woman, every man, every citizen who makes such a stand is a leader. Every little act of resistance, of rebellion, of protest, makes change possible. Most struggles aren't won by single actions or by iconic leaders, though they have their role. They are won by people, taking individual actions, which accumulate into irreversible change. It was true of the suffragettes. It was true of the anti-apartheid movement. It was true when Rosa Parks wouldn't give up her seat and it is true here in Ireland. When the Celtic Tiger economy was at its height, and when the surplus of wealth was the greatest in the history of this state, the establishment refused to distribute the wealth in the common good and to secure the future. They would not nationalise the wealth. But now they are happy to nationalise the debt. There is talk of a cabinet reshuffle. This government doesn't need a reshuffle. This government needs to go. Do they really think the people are amadáns? Do they really expect the people to foot the bill for the bankers, the developers and their political cronies? The people need to send them a message. The people need to tell them to get lost. Don't wait until the next election. Make a stand now. Be a leader. Don't wait for anyone else. That's the main thing, to stand up for ourselves. And for others. That is what happened throughout our history. In our homes. On the streets. On lonely hillsides. By glensides. In the prisons. This is what happened in the history of human kind. It's what is happening across the globe. Representatives from many of these struggles are with us tonight. Cead mile Failte romhaibh to all of our visitors. Especially, to our friends from the Basque country; from the USA and Canada; from Cuba; from South Africa, agus go háirithe ár n-anam chairde from Palestine. All these struggles show the enduring power of the human spirit in the search for freedom and justice. Freedom and justice is possible, if we really want it. And those of us who care about the world; who care about Ireland; those of us who believe in the people of this island, we have no choice but to make a stand, particularly for those citizens who cannot at this time stand up for themselves. Sinn Féin is opposed to this government because it's not fair and because its policies are unsustainable. But we are also opposed to them because there is an alternative that will work. Sinn Féin has proposed a major €3.2 billion stimulus package.
All of this is possible. Jobs can be protected. Jobs can be created. Frontline public services can be sustained and developed if public finance is raised in a fair way. This means real social solidarity. It means uniting public and private sector workers, not dividing them. Among our proposals are:
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin called it right when he said 'the closer you are to a minister in the Dublin government the less you will suffer.' This Fianna Fail/Green Party government has also inflicted deep cuts on the farming sector and on disadvantaged rural areas. Sinn Féin understands the difficulties facing rural communities. Our TDs and our Senator have produced three major Oireachtas reports. These set out proposals to regenerate the west, to ensure a viable future for fishing and farming communities, and to create more jobs in the agri-food sector. In the North, Minister for Agriculture Michelle Gildernew is tackling the needs of farmers in disadvantaged areas and the needs of rural women. Ó thaobh an tuaiscirt de, tá sárobair déanta ag Martin McGuinness agus foireann na gcainteanna Sinn Féin. Bhí an tionól agus na hinstitiúidí uile Éireann i gcontúirt mar gheall ar an DUP. Ach le díograis agus fócas ár ndaoine, bhí Sinn Féin agus an DUP ábalta teacht ar chomhaontú nua. Rinne muid conradh agus bhog muid an próiseas iomlán seo ar aghaidh go dtí an chéad chéim eile. Just over a month ago we concluded an agreement at Hillsborough with the DUP on the way forward. Many thought this couldn't happen. But it did. This was a hugely important and symbolic moment. I want to pay tribute to Martin McGuinness, Gerry Kelly and our other ministers, as well as to the Sinn Féin negotiating team. Here is proof, if proof was needed, of the importance of negotiations as an area of struggle. Policing and justice powers will be transferred in April. By the end of the year there will also be the transfer of powers from London to Belfast to deal with the issue of parades. More powers moving from England to Ireland. Outstanding issues including Irish language rights will also be delivered on and there is additional funding for the Irish language. This Agreement is a staging post. It is proof that change is possible. Sinn Féin achieved all of this by being bold and by being focussed. By standing up for ourselves. By standing up to the governments. By standing up for the rights of citizens in a continuous process of change. The last year has been a challenging one for us, for the peace process and for the people of this island. It has also been a difficult period for my clann. I thank everyone who has expressed solidarity with my family. Colette in particular has asked me to thank all those who sent her get well messages. Go raibh mile maith agaibh go leir I want to congratulate Maurice Quinlivan on his determination to clear his good name. In the end Willie tripped over his own moustache, but be assured he would still be in this awful government if Maurice had not made a stand. Maith an fear Maurice. Will that be the end of attacks on Sinn Féin? Of course not. The only difference between Willie and the other smearers and backstabbers is that Willie got caught out. As this government lurches toward an election we can expect more of this. But we have a message for the government and its fellow travellers: Let there be no doubt about this - given the mandate, Sinn Féin will dismantle the culture of political cronyism and the golden circles. This proud party is interested only in making a positive difference in the lives of the Irish people. Those who say that this isn't possible should look at what is emerging from our efforts in government in the north. This includes tackling fuel poverty; it means free travel for the over 60s; the ending of prescription charges, and the freezing of the regional rate. Sinn Féin ministers have introduced classroom assistants in every P1 and P2 class; we have invested in schools, in jobs, in infrastructure. We have staved off water charges and brought forward funding to tackle rural poverty and social exclusion. Everything that Sinn Féin has done is rooted in the equality agenda. That is why some of the big initiatives, particularly on education, have met such resistance. The opposition to the removal of the eleven-plus is mainly class driven and arises from the desire of a small minority to protect an unequal system. Parents want the best for their children. So do we. Every school should be a good school and every child should have full equality of opportunity. I am absolutely convinced that this will be the outcome, not least because of the leadership shown by the Minister of Education, Caitríona Ruane and progressive educationalists, and teachers. In the next few weeks the Westminster elections will give us the opportunity to strengthen our mandate. Sinn Fein will be making a stand in every constituency in the Six Counties. If the Northern Assembly runs to its full term all communities in the north will have benefited from Sinn Féin in government. We are already planning for the next Assembly term. We want to build on the successes of our Assembly team and set more challenging targets and goals for Sinn Féin in government. And let me invite the viewers at home to help us write that manifesto for change. Sinn Féin will once again be holding Town Hall meetings. We want to be a citizen's conduit to government. I invite you to come along; to put your issue, your needs, your requirements on the Executive table. Unionism? Unionism knows that Sinn Féin is a willing partner in a government that is responsive, effective and delivering. One of the big tasks facing the Executive is to eradicate sectarianism. The vast majority of people want this. There is work for everyone. But it is up to unionists to demonstrate that unionism and sectarianism are not the same and that they are as opposed to sectarianism as we are. Luaigh mé níos luaithe na haislingigh naoi déag sé déag agus fís a bhí acu. Bhí fís ag Wolfe Tone roimhe sin. Chuir seisean síos ar an nasc leis an Bhreatain mar foinse dár gcuid trioblóidí polaitiúla go léir. Caithfidh muid teacht ar ais chuige agus muid ag ullmhú don chéad chuid eile den turas don Phoblacht Nua. In many ways we are back to Tone and the need to unite Catholic, Protestant and dissenter. We do this by making friends with unionists and developing normal human relationships based on tolerance, respect and equality. Let me be clear about this: the unity of people in everyday life and the unity of this great country of ours is part of the same human endeavour. Sinn Féin believes that a free, independent and united Ireland makes political and economic sense. Last year I set out our intention to engage with the Irish diaspora and to marshal its political strength in support of a united Ireland. Over the last twelve months thousands of people came together in New York, San Francisco, Toronto and London at major conferences to put their weight behind the demand for Irish unity. This campaign is gathering momentum. Now is the time to make partition history. Now is the time to build an Ireland we can be proud of. Sinn Féin is united and strong. Sinn Féin is looking to the future. Sinn Féin is making a stand. The British army, the heavy gangs, the old Orange regime and slíbhín governments here could not break us. Censorship, the prisons and the death squads could not break us. And no amount of black propaganda in the Tony O'Reilly press will break us either. Twenty years ago Nelson Mandela - Madiba - the first President of a free South Africa - walked free from prison. Twenty years ago there was war in Ireland. So, when someone tells you that that apartheid would never end, or that peace is not possible, or that a united Ireland is 'pie in the sky', or that we can't make a deal with the DUP, or that we can't beat this recession, don't believe them - not for one second. Believe in yourself. Make a stand. Make it happen.
Join us.”
Sinn
Féin delivering on justice - Maskey Today’s speech by Alex Maskey MLA at Sinn Féin Ard Fheis “The Hillsborough deal has secured a date for the transfer of powers on policing and justice - this is a truly welcome development. We are delivering on our mandate. Our task is to develop a justice system we can have faith in, one which will emerge more responsive to our needs, through informed debate in the time ahead. We will need to debate all the complex issues from crime prevention to those preventative and diversionary measures, required to keep our young people from an anti-social or criminal lifestyle. All our efforts must be about keeping communities safe, ensuring our senior citizens feel safe in their homes. The criminal justice system has to change and embrace that change. Just ask the Holland or Devlin families. We have worked hard to make policing better and there has been considerable change but much more needs to be done. Our members will continue to drive forward our agenda, delivering a police service we can support, as it breaks from the past and looks to the future. We believe we are making good and steady progress as the Policing Board and DPPs engage more with communities, including As Gaeilge. The PSNI also are engaging more - in partnership - with local communities having a greater say in how policing is delivered. We have supported communities, like Short Strand, to ensure the closure of old style barracks which are tired relics of a repressive past. We will continue this work to ensure that those facilities which are needed, to provide a modern police service, will be demilitarised and fit for a new era. Challenges remain, whether it is that inbuilt resistance to change, abuse of powers like stop and search or the denial of the truth to countless families through delayed and denied inquests, but we are well up for those challenges on behalf of those we are privileged to represent. Comrades, we are delivering on our mandate while striving for an all-Ireland justice system. Our members are active day and
daily - in the North on the Policing Board, DPPs and JPCs in the 26
counties - to keep our communities safer by working tirelessly to
make the policing and justice systems across this island representative,
accountable and responsive to our needs as they engage in equal partnership
with us.”
McGuiness:
Sinn Féin ready for power, but not with FG Sinn Féin’s Martin McGuinness today insisted his party was ready to take the reins south of the border. However, he ruled out any partnership with senior Opposition party Fine Gael. After Sinn Féin voted to keep its coalition options open south of the border, the Stormont Deputy First Minister went on the attack against opponents who said they are not ready for Government. Describing them as arrogant and partitionist, Mr McGuinness said it was laughable when commentators or rivals claimed that Sinn Féin had no experience for running the country. “Wake up and look north,” he said. “We are in Government, we are taking the hard decisions and we are doing a good job to boot.” Last night, the party’s grassroots voted by a large majority to keep the door open to a possible partnership with Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael. A proposal to rule out a coalition with either party was defeated after an amendment by the party’s ard chomhairle (executive council) that allowed it to keep its options open. However, Mr McGuinness today apparently ruled out entering government with Fine Gael during a broadside at the party’s leader Enda Kenny over his recent appearance on RTÉ’s 'Late Late Show'. “Enda seemed fairly certain that he wouldn’t go into government with Sinn Féin but seemed less sure about exactly why,” he said. “Well let me help Fine Gael out – a bit like George Lee (Dublin South TD who resigned from the party), we have no interest in Government with them or their policies.” The Mid-Ulster MP insisted his party had a proven track record in taking decisions and making a difference to Irish citizens through the North’s power-sharing executive. “I have to say, unlike Enda Kenny, I do know what it is like to operate a coalition government,” he said. “In case it has escaped
his attention I jointly head one.”
Orange
Order welcome progress on parades legislation The Orange Order has signalled its backing for parading proposals as part of a deal to devolve policing and justice powers from Westminster to Stormont. An overwhelming majority at the organisation’s quarterly meeting today welcomed progress made through the joint Sinn Féin/DUP plan. The endorsement of the Orange institution is seen as crucial to the ultimate success of proposed reforms on how contentious marches are managed. After a meeting of 120 members of the order’s Grand Lodge near Dungannon, County Tyrone, Grand Master Robert Saulters said 95% backed, so far, the parading aspect of the Hillsborough Agreement. “We welcome the progress that has been made to bring legislation forward and publish a Bill and will make final comment when we see the Bill,” he said. Mr Saulters added: “We re-affirm our concerns on civil and religious liberties for all and regret the campaign to deprive people of the right to freedom of assembly.” The order’s Central Committee, which met on Monday, recommended the rank and file give its tacit support for the proposed framework to resolve contentious marches. The proposal was passed without amendment. The new framework for marches
was devised by a six-man Sinn Féin/DUP working group that was
set up as part of the wide-ranging accord hammered out by Stormont’s
two main parties at Hillsborough Castle, County Down, last month.
UUP
hesitant about giving full backing to power transfer Ulster Unionists at Stormont have still not committed to supporting the transfer of justice and policing powers when the issue comes to a crucial Assembly vote on Tuesday. The party said the Executive remained in need of reform and key issues such as education needed to be effectively dealt with before sensitive new powers such as justice can be considered. Party leader Sir Reg Empey, speaking after a day-long meeting with Assembly colleagues in Co Antrim, said last night: “It remains our view that the current Executive must be capable of exercising its existing powers before such an important issue as policing and justice is devolved.” He said a final decision would be taken on Monday night, just hours ahead of the vote on the transfer of justice powers which was drafted at Hillsborough Castle last month after marathon talks involving the Irish and British premiers. DUP leader Peter Robinson said all parties were in favour of justice devolution, adding it would be a “massive mistake” for anyone to vote against: “Every single party therefore should stand over their commitments made to the public.” The DUP, along with Sinn Féin, has sufficient numbers to win the Assembly vote regardless of what the UUP does. Sinn Féin and the SDLP are committed to backing the transfer of powers under the tight timetable laid down. Mr Robinson said yesterday he believed the people of Northern Ireland were “tired of political point-scoring and party positioning. They deserve to see devolution working better.” Sir Reg, however, was careful last night not to rule out all prospects of backing the DUP-Sinn Féin plan to establish a new Stormont justice department: “The Ulster Unionist Party remains committed to devolution and to providing strong, stable and effective government for all the people of Northern Ireland. Our party executive will meet on Monday to hear a report from the leader and take a final decision.” The Alliance party said the Ulster
Unionists, by adopting such a position, were “badly out of touch
with the community as a whole, and indeed their own electorate”.
The Alliance has confirmed it will nominate one of its members, almost
certainly party leader David Ford as justice minister. Northern secretary
Shaun Woodward has said the cross-community vote next Tuesday is nothing
less than a vote for the future of Northern Ireland.
SF criticises
UUP for not supporting devolution Sinn Féin Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness has accused Ulster Unionist Party leader Sir Reg Empey and his party of a “dismal failure of political leadership” in refusing to make a commitment to support Tuesday’s Assembly vote on devolving policing and justice. Mr McGuinness, speaking at the Sinn Féin ardfheis at the RDS in Dublin last night, was highly critical of the SDLP and the UUP over their sceptical stance on the Hillsborough Castle Agreement which he described as “a good deal for every citizen on this island”. He deplored the UUP’s holding position announced yesterday not to support the Hillsborough agreement at this stage. “This is a dismal failure of political leadership. Playing party politics with the future of the institutions is unacceptable,” Mr McGuinness added. He said that the UUP had previously presented Sinn Féin with a document that would have undermined important elements of the Belfast Agreement, including the safeguards that guaranteed powersharing. “However disguised, they attempt to bring us back to unionist majority rule. It was either written by a party seeking an exit strategy or it was written by someone completely detached from the political realities of this process,” he said. “The electorate will reject any party seeking to dash the hopes generated by the Hillsborough agreement for narrow ends,” Mr McGuinness added. “Let me say to the UUP, it is impossible to sit round the powersharing table by day and court rejectionist transfers by night,” he said. The Deputy First Minister said the new SDLP leader Margaret Ritchie could have won an “Oscar for a brass neck” in stating on radio after the Hillsborough deal that she was travelling to Dublin to tell the Taoiseach of the “undemocratic nature” of the agreement when Brian Cowen was at Hillsborough endorsing the deal. “Communities can see that political opportunism and cynicism is at the heart of these theatrics. When our people are seeking leadership and hope they offer nothing but meaningless soundbites and posturing,” he added. Mr McGuinness said that Tuesday’s Assembly vote on policing and justice was important. “Our MLAs will vote yes. In doing so, we continue to progress a peace process that has overwhelming support amongst our people,” he added. “Our vision of a united Ireland is inclusive, it is real and it is achievable.” Sinn Féin chairman Declan Kearney from Belfast said that the actions of the dissident republicans were totally unacceptable to Sinn Féin. They could only serve to bring British soldiers back on the streets of Northern Ireland. “That needs to be called
for what it is: it is a securocrat agenda.” Mr Kearney said
“constitutional nationalists” and the “militarists”
in the dissidents could not deliver a united Ireland and that Sinn
Féin was the “only united Ireland party in town”.
Sinn
Féin Ard Fheis to resume in Dublin The Sinn Féin Ard Fheis will resume later this morning in the RDS in Dublin. There will be debates on the economy, justice and human rights before Party President Gerry Adams gives a televised address at 8.30pm. Last night, delegates voted to leave the door open to coalition talks with Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael after the next General Election. The focus of the opening session of the Ard Fheis was a debate on party organisation, which featured motions urging the party to shun any post-election coalition with Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. A number of speakers supported the measures with forceful contributions, but TDs Martin Ferris and Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin backed a leadership amendment that would leave the final decision to a special conference to be held after the election. In the end they easily won the
day but not before one delegate insisted on a formal count of the
delegate vote.
Memorial
for IRA bombers splits opinion in Enniscorthy Enniscorthy will stage a parade and fireworks tonight to celebrate the 1,500th anniversary of its foundation by St Senan in 510 AD. However, a memorial commemorating more recent events – involving the IRA – has sparked controversy and divided opinion in the Co Wexford town. A memorial to the 1957 IRA “Edentubber Bombers” has been erected on a public site – a small patch of grass overlooking the river Slaney. The simple granite monument, which was cemented into the ground without ceremony last weekend, bears a bilingual commemorative inscription. On November 11th, 1957, five men died in an explosion in a cottage at Edentubber Mountain in Co Louth. It is believed that the men, two of whom were natives of Co Wexford, were en route to attack a target in Northern Ireland when the device exploded prematurely during the IRA’s so-called Border campaign of 1956-1962. Huge crowds attended a joint requiem Mass for the five men which was held in Dundalk, and the subsequent funerals brought their home towns to a standstill. The monument lists the five men “a fuair bás ar son na hÉireann” (who died for Ireland), and is also dedicated to the “Vinegar Hill and Pearse Columns, Óglaigh na hÉireann” (the IRA), and “the Internees”. The wording also calls for remembrance of “those in every generation who played their part in the struggle for Irish freedom”. It was erected by “Cairde na Laochra”, which translates as “friends of the heroes”. In Republican literature, the five men who died are referred to as “The Edentubber Martyrs”. In 2007, Louth Sinn Féin TD Arthur Morgan said commemorating Edentubber would “remind a new generation of Irish republicans of the sacrifices and hardships that many endured” in the “struggle for Irish unity”. Traolach Ó Ceallaigh (70), a spokesman for Coiste Cairde na Laochra, told The Irish Times the group consisted of “comrades of that period”, some of whom were “involved” and “some supporters” of the Border campaign. He had been a member of Sinn Féin “before the Split”, but “not the IRA”, and while he was “a supporter” of the Border campaign, he had not been a participant. He said he left the organisation in the 1960s because he “wanted to see the world”, and “joined the British Merchant Navy”. He served for many years and then returned to Co Wexford, where he now lives. Mr Ó Ceallaigh claimed the five men who died “were going to attack an empty customs post and electricity pylons” in Northern Ireland. He “didn’t realise there was going to be such a hullaballoo” about the memorial. The monument has been erected on Irish Street, close to the former home of George Keegan, an Enniscorthy man who died at Edentubber. Mr Ó Ceallaigh had spoken to “residents of the street, who said it was time to remember”. The monument had been funded, he said, by “subscriptions and from the sale of a book” – From Vinegar Hill to Edentubber: the Wexford IRA and the Border Campaign, by Ruán O’Donnell, head of the department of history at the University of Limerick. The group hopes to arrange an unveiling ceremony later this year to which the town council will be invited. However the chairman of the town council, Sean Doyle (Independent) said yesterday he would only attend such a ceremony “in a private capacity”, as his role involves representing people of all political persuasions in the town. Mr Doyle revealed that he had been a member of the IRA’s “Vinegar Hill Column” and had participated in “military action” in Northern Ireland. He was on a mission to Armagh in 1956 when his unit was intercepted by British soldiers “who opened up fire”. He “didn’t even fire a shot” and “had to skedaddle”. He said he later “resigned from Sinn Féin” because he disapproved when “the IRA murdered a guard” and, in retrospect, described the Border Campaign as “a silly campaign – it was going nowhere”. The application to erect the memorial was presented to the nine-member Enniscorthy town council in January, and no objections were raised. However, after the decision became public, a Fine Gael councillor admitted that his party had been “caught on the hop”. Local Fine Gael TD and party chief whip, Paul Kehoe, said he was “unhappy” and “hugely concerned”. He received “many calls” from residents close to the proposed site “who have huge concerns and were disappointed they were not consulted”. However, he had no power to intervene. The Enniscorthy authorities pointed
out that the monument was neither erected nor funded by the council,
but that councillors simply gave permission for its installation in
a public place.
Truth
& Justice: Foreign Concepts to the Six County State People could be forgiven for believing that the individuals and organisations that have most to gain from the devolution of limited policing & justice powers to Britain’s Stormont administration are determined to ensure that scenario never happens. In recent weeks, the PSNI, David Ford and the British government have all seemingly been out to prove the point that éirígí has been making all along – that no meaningful change will come about due to the Hillsborough negotiations and the establishment of a puppet justice ministry at Stormont. First up is the PSNI, the force we are told will suddenly morph into a non-sectarian, depoliticised civic police service on the day the British government grants nominal powers to Six County politicians. Less than 24 hours after the Hillsborough negotiations were concluded, the PSNI was out and about in west Belfast making sure that nationalists and republicans were aware that it was business as usual on the policing front. Four éirígí activists who, appropriately enough, were erecting banners highlighting the unacceptable nature of the PSNI were stopped, searched, questioned and had items of their property seized by the force on the pretext that were engaged in “terrorist” activity [Protest Against Section 44 & the PSNI]. Despite the fact that the legislation under which the activists were stopped was, in January, declared illegal by the European Court of Human Rights, the PSNI has enthusiastically continued using it and has publicly stated its intention to ignore the ruling of the court. Then, in Craigavon on February 27, the PSNI opened fire on nationalist youths with plastic bullets [Plastic Bullet Brutality in Craigavon]. Since their introduction to the Six Counties in 1972, these ‘non-lethal’ baton rounds have been directly responsible for the deaths of 17 civilians, including those of nine children. Despite claims by then PSNI chief constable Hugh Orde in January 2007 that plastic bullets would not be used in future for the purposes of “crowd control”, the lethal weapons have now been fired at the nationalist communities of Ardoyne, the Short Strand and Craigavon in the space of a little over six months, resulting in injuries to several children. Against this backdrop of PSNI brutality and political policing, enter David Ford, Alliance Party leader and prospective Six County justice minister, and the British government. On Wednesday [March 3], it was revealed that Ford, in an email to the British Liberal Democrats in November last year, had described the Saville Inquiry into the Bloody Sunday massacre as “pointless” and said there was no point in any politician asking questions about its progress in the British House of Commons. While Ford as Stormont justice minister would have no power over issues like inquiries, which remain within the remit of the London government, the presence of a unionist who has demonstrated such disdain for the victims of British state violence as a figurehead would still be of concern to many nationalists. Tony Doherty, whose father Patrick was killed on Bloody Sunday, said Ford “should be ashamed of himself”, while Liam Wray, whose brother Jim was killed, said he would not meet the Alliance leader following the comments. “Let me tell Mr Ford that, although I am not a great advocate of the inquiry, it certainly was not pointless – it certainly scored points,” said Wray. “This inquiry exposed quite clearly the fraudulent forensics that damned my brother’s and others’ reputations.” British secretary of state Shaun Woodward has, meanwhile, refused to rule out lawyers acting on behalf of the British Ministry of Defence, in effect the perpetrators of Bloody Sunday, gaining access to the Saville report before the families of the dead. In doing so, Woodward cited his government’s favourite reason for putting the interests of the British ruling class above those of the Irish people – “national security”. Also this week, British ‘justice’ minister Paul Goggins extended the use of non-jury Diplock courts in the Six Counties until at least July 2011. In an astounding piece of double speak, Goggins said the removal of a person’s right to be tried by a jury of their peers was “necessary for the delivery of a fair justice system”. Goggins could have been more honest and used the ‘national security’ excuse so beloved of his colleagues. So, while nationalist politicians are proclaiming desperately the dawn of yet another new beginning in the affairs of the Six County state, their touted future justice minister, the British government and its police force are quietly going about the work of solidifying the status quo in occupied Ireland – devolution or no devolution. Those nationalists who believe that the Stormont system – a system designed by Britain to be operated by people like David Ford in the interests of Britain and the class which people like David Ford represent – can be engineered to bring about the end of partition and discrimination should be mindful of the words of the late British Labour Party leader Michael Foot. When offered a place in the anti-democratic House of Lords, Foot gave the response: “I think the House of Lords ought to be abolished and I don’t think the best way to abolish it is to go there myself.” Wise words indeed.
Viable
pipe bomb left in Dunmurry A viable pipe bomb has been found on the outskirts of west Belfast. An Army bomb team was called to the Stewartstown Road in Dunmurry at about 1100 GMT on Friday and the area was cordoned off for much of the day. The device was made safe after a number of controlled explosions were carried out on the object which was found in the Glasvey area. Police urged residents in Dunmurry
to remain vigilant and not to touch suspicious objects.
Sinn
Féin Ard Fheis begins this evening Members of Sinn Féin are gathering in Dublin this evening for the start of the party’s annual Ard Fheis. The two-day event, taking place in the RDS, is due to be opened by the party’s Vice President Mary Lou McDonald. This evening, delegates will discuss and debate the peace process and Irish unity, but Sinn Féin Senator Pearse Doherty said that the issue of jobs would dominate the conference. Speaking this afternoon before the opening session, Senator Doherty said: “The huge issue of the crying need for jobs and the soaring levels of unemployment that now afflicts this country will dominate this evening’s session of the Ard Fheis. “Sinn Féin has put forward solutions to create jobs. We will fight to have them implemented. “The Hillsborough Agreement on the transfer of policing and justice powers from Britain to the North, republican strategy for the achievement of Irish unity, the wider economic crisis including the banking collapse and NAMA are themes that will also feature strongly over the weekend. “What you can expect to see at this Ard Fheis are party members preparing themselves for the political challenges and opportunities that lie ahead. “This Ard Fheis provides Sinn Féin with an opportunity to promote our message that there is a political alternative.” A motion calling on Sinn Féin not to enter coalition with Fine Gael or Fine Fáil after the next twenty-six county election will be debated this evening. Other motions include: re-affirming opposition to a visit to Ireland from Britain’s Queen Elizabeth II and the introduction of a 20-year minimum sentence for those convicted of paedophilia. The Ard Fheis will be broadcast
worldwide on the web, live
on RTÉ, from 11.00am to 1.00pm tomorrow, and then again
from 8.30pm to 9.00pm for the closing address by Sinn Féin
President, Gerry Adams.
Woodward
refuses to rule out MoD scrutiny of Saville Report Britain’s secretary in the six counties, Shaun Woodward, has refused to rule out that laywers for the British Ministry of Defence will be allowed to scrutinise the Saville Report into Bloody Sunday prior to its publication. Mr Woodward was in Derry last night to meet with members of the Bloody Sunday families and leading politicians to discuss their concerns about the publication of the report. Speaking after the meeting, Mr Woodward said he would take delivery of the report the week commencing March 22nd and that he intends to publish it “hopefully in a matter of days” afterwards. He said: “I will get the report to the families and the other parties as soon as possible so there will be no time for leaks or spin, but for security and legal reasons, I and my team of solicitors must see it first. “I respect the families enormously. They have been through a hell of a lot over the years.” He claimed he was ‘obliged’ to ensure the human rights of those mentioned in the report are protected. Mr Woodward said he will have a “specialist team” to examine the report but refused to be drawn on questions on whether lawyers from the MoD would be in the team. He also said there would be a “firewall” between his team and other British government departments. As Mr Woodward left the hotel where the meeting was held he was met by relatives of those killed and wounded wearing t-shirts bearing the words ‘Set the Truth Free’. Linda Nash, whose brother was murdered on Bloody Sunday challenged Mr Woodward to ensure that the families receive the report at the same time as he does. The relatives whose loved ones
were murdered and those who were wounded on Bloody Sunday fear the
report could be amended or have parts withheld by British government
agencies.
Ford
apologises over ‘clumsy’ email David Ford last night apologised to the families of the Bloody Sunday victims for describing the Saville Inquiry as “pointless” saying his choice of words was “clumsy and inarticulate”. The Alliance leader and would-be Justice Minister had been criticised by relatives of those murdered and wounded by the British army in Derry on Bloody Sunday after a private email in which he made the remark was leaked. Following a meeting with the relatives and wounded Mr Ford said: “This comment was taken out of the context of a hastily-written email and is not a full representation of my views. “I realise that my choice
of language was clumsy and inarticulate, and its publication has caused
hurt. I am very pleased to have been able to meet with some of the
families and I have apologised to them for the comment that caused
offence. “I continue to have concerns about the process and cost-effectiveness of the Saville Inquiry, however, I share the families’ hopes that it will provide both justice and closure.” Mr Ford’s words were too little, too late for some of those affected who were at the City Hotel in Derry. Among them was Damien Donaghy, who as a boy of 15 was shot on Bloody Sunday. He refused to go into the meeting. Some of the family members who did meet with Mr Ford spoke afterwards. Joe McKinney, relative of murder victim Gerard McKinney, said that he was hurt by Mr Ford calling the Saville Inquiry pointless because the report was “all the families have”. He said: “We were not afforded justice at the time. The RUC did not even investigate Bloody Sunday when it happened. “Other victims of other atrocities have had their day in the courts and have had their justice but for all these years we have had nothing, which is why this report is so important.” Paul Doherty, another murder victim relative, said he found the meeting “useful” and was hopeful that Mr Ford would take on board what the families had to say to him. Mr Doherty said: “David Ford talked about the cost of the inquiry and he made much of the fact that so far the inquiry has cost £200m but that has nothing whatsoever to do with the families.” Mr Doherty said he was glad Mr Ford had met the families, but said that he was not 100% sure if he could go so far as to support or have confidence in him if he was appointed Justice Minister. “I am not there yet and perhaps I never will have confidence in him as a Justice Minister.” Mr Ford dismissed suggestions that his expected appointment as Policing and Justice Minister was now jeopardised. “It would be ridiculous
if one word used inappropriately was allowed to upset the whole apple
cart,” he said.
Magennis
is best person for justice position Letters David Ford's comments on the pointlessness of the Saville Report highlight his unsuitability for the role of Justice Minister. Rather than ask the hard questions about the publication of the Saville Report, David Ford has been careful not to offend the Secretary of State. Mr Ford's comments have vindicated the SDLP's case that Alban Magennis is the best-qualified candidate for this position. We are entitled by right to the position of Justice Minister through our democratic mandate and have pointed out that Sinn Fein and the DUP have gerrymandered a situation in which no nationalist need apply. No nationalist wants a Justice Minister who thinks that Saville is "pointless". Nationalist voters want and deserve a minister who will act fairly and exercise sound judgment on all contentious issues. Justin McCamphill
Loyalist
killer Knight told he must stay in jail A convicted loyalist killer has lost his legal challenge to the decision to suspend his early release licence. Torrens Knight received 12 life sentences for his part in the Greysteel massacre and the separate killing of four workmen. His prison release was suspended after he was found guilty of attacking two women in a Coleraine bar in May 2008. Knight was seeking a judicial review of Secretary of State Shaun Woodward's decision to send him back to jail. However, on Friday, a High Court judge refused leave to seek a review after rejecting all grounds on which the application was based. Mr Justice Treacy said: "If the secretary of state had not suspended the applicant's licence in the teeth of a conviction for very serious offences of violence it would almost certainly have attracted public opprobrium and undermined public confidence." Knight was sentenced to four months imprisonment last December for assault and disorderly behaviour. Although granted bail pending his appeal, he was kept in jail due to the suspension of his licence. 'Risk to others' Mr Woodward ordered his recall to prison due to the new conviction and a determination that he posed a risk to the safety of others. Knight was found guilty of involvement in an attack on the Rising Sun bar in Greysteel, Derry at Halloween 1993. Eight people were shot dead when loyalists opened fire inside the pub. He was also convicted of the murders of four Catholic builders in Castlerock earlier the same year. Knight was released on licence in July 2000 under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. His lawyers argued the suspension breached his right to liberty and should not have been taken until after an appeal against the assault convictions is heard. It was stressed that the Sentence Review Commissioners have still to determine whether to revoke the licence. His barrister told the court that since being released Knight had "turned over a new leaf" and disassociated himself with those he was previously involved with. But Mr Justice Treacy rejected arguments based on the relevant law, alleged inconsistencies and unreasonableness. The judge said: "In my view the secretary of state's decision that these convictions indicated that the applicant had breached the condition of his licence not to become a danger to the public is unimpeachable. "Whether or not he is in fact a danger to the public will be determined by the Sentence Review Commissioners exercising their powers under the 1998 Act." He added that, provided the secretary of state acts rationally and in good faith, his decision is unassailable. "It is impossible to even
contend that the secretary of state's belief that the applicant had
broken his licence condition was irrational."
UVF
'grasses' get short sentences Two brothers who committed dozens of terrorist crimes will serve as little as three years in jail because they have turned "supergrass". Newtownabbey men David Stewart, 35, of Carntall Rise, and Robert Stewart, 39, of Ballyearl Court were in the UVF. They admitted the offences in February when Belfast Crown Court heard they had agreed to give evidence against nine other men charged with murder. A judge said the short sentences reflected their co-operation. Mr Justice Hart said on Friday the information they had provided led to "a significant number of arrests for serious crimes over a substantial period". He said they must serve just three years of life sentences before they can be considered by the Parole Commission for release on licence. The Stewart brothers went to the police in 2008 to confess to their part in the murder of UDA man Tommy English on 31 December 2000. As a result they were charged with aiding and abetting the murder and a number of other related offences. In December 2008 they pleaded guilty to the charges and were sentenced to life imprisonment. Following their conviction for the first set of offences, Robert Stewart admitted his involvement in 96 further offences committed between 1990 and 2008. David Stewart admitted his involvement
in 24 further offences committed between 1994 and 2008.
Ulster
unionists hold justice vote meeting The Ulster Unionist assembly party is to discuss its attitude to the devolution of policing and justice at a meeting in County Antrim later. One UUP source said it was a "brainstorming session" to weigh options, ahead of an assembly debate on the transfer of policing and justice. The Ulster Unionist party has been refusing to endorse the Hillsborough Agreement. It has been insisting that a deal on education and other issues is required. Friday's away day is part of a series of discussions over the weekend and follows days of dialogue involving the DUP and Ulster Unionist leaderships. The DUP had been insisted that Ulster Unionist support was essential if the party was going to proceed with the devolution of policing and justice. This has thrown into question the next stage of the Hillsborough agreement - a cross-community vote in the assembly on Tuesday calling for policing and justice powers to be transferred from Westminster. But on Thursday, the First Minister and DUP leader seemed to suggest a more critical measure will be the DUP's own Executive meeting on Monday. Peter Robinson also pointed to
positive feedback from the community on the package to complete devolution.
This, he said, would allow them to "proceed with the other business
of government".
'Recreational
rioting' resurgent in West Belfast "They are not implacably opposed to each other - they were stopping in the middle of their fight to go across to each other and have a smoke break." Implausible as it may sound, community workers on both sides of the Springfield Road insist that "recreational rioting" has become so casually regular that its participants occasionally enjoy friendly respite during their destructive orgies. The road is scarred from two weeks of trouble - melted road signs and burnt patches of tarmac indicative of a fortnight where barely an evening has passed without a riot. For the most part, stones and rocks are hurled but occasionally petrol bombs have been part of the deadly arsenal employed. On Tuesday night, police arrested a 14-year-old boy after they tried to intervene and were themselves attacked. It is part of a pattern of trouble across west Belfast in the past two weeks, which is again leaving police, statutory agencies and community groups scratching their head and wondering how to put a stop to this before six months of spring and summer. Community The prevailing wisdom is that strong community work is an essential part of the counter attack against the trouble. And it is an approach that has been fruitful in many parts of the city. But for Daniel Jack and Noel Large who work for Interaction Belfast along the Springfield Road, the more recent trouble presents a whole new challenge. They say that many of the rioters are not even from the Springfield Road area but, after organising via their mobile phones and internet, are coming in from as far away as Divis on the nationalist side and from Springmartin and Highfield on the loyalist side. Despite their origins they have plenty in common, according to Noel Large. "They are not implacable enemies by any means. At times, when they are not shouting over at each other, they are actually congregating on the same side. "There were nights when they were actually stopping in the middle of their fight to go across and have a smoke with each other." Bongs Not simply tobacco either, judging by the significant litter of plastic bottles or "bongs" which are used to smoke cannabis. Such nihilistic existences are not merely threats to each other. Many motorists from the expanse of west Belfast travel along the road on their way to the Royal Victoria Hospital. Daniel says that the hail of missiles potentially presents a mortal threat to motorists. "We know that all it takes is for a driver to lost his concentration for a moment and someone is going to be seriously injured." Trouble is also blighting another of the arterial veins that thrusts its way through west Belfast. The Stewartstown Road is generally republican territory. The lack of nearby loyalists to clash with has not deterred some of its youthful residents who are content to fight amongst each other - and increasingly in the past couple of weeks with the PSNI. Thuggery Michael George, community safety officer with Colin Neighbourhood Partnership, says that the trouble began before Christmas with fights organised in local schools. Now, the youthful ire - some involved are believed to be as young as 10 or 11 - is focused on the PSNI. Michael George explains: "Some people have asked me whether this sort of behaviour is politically motivated. Well, if setting fire to traffic lights has anything to do with politics, it is not a kind of politics I have ever heard of. It's mindless thuggery. "I've seen young people as young as 10 with full bottles of petrol and lighters. It's the first time they've been involved with anything like this and they are going to put themselves in danger." Such trouble has been a feature in many parts of Northern Ireland for generations - despite significant resources being invested to deal with it. The vogue is for a "multi-agency" approach with the police sharing responsibility with safety groups and community workers - basically dealing with the problem as much as a social issue as a matter of security. Determination Nevertheless Michael George suggests that the police have more to do. He said: "After Christmas, the police sat back and waited for more resources and it allowed the thing to build and grow momentum when they could have got in and nipped it in the bud." He accepts though that other groups, including schools and parents, have a role to play. And parents are firmly within the police's focus as well. PSNI Inspector Mark Robinson said his officers are determined to bring the trouble to an end. He added: "The actions of a minority are in stark contrast to the efforts of police and fire personnel whose only concerns are ensuring the safety of local people and upholding law and order. "We would thank local representatives who have been working with police to address these incidents. That work is ongoing at multi-agency and community level. "We would urge parents to
make sure they know where their children are and what they are doing."
MI5 'not
accountable to assembly' The SDLP has criticised new security protocols which mean MI5 will not have to account for its activities to a new devolved NI justice minister. Assembly members will vote next week on the Hillsborough deal on the devolution of policing and justice. However, any new justice minister will not be able to hold MI5 to account. The government has said that it will determine what information pertaining to national security can be shared and on what terms it is provided. It added that information which, if made public, might hinder the ability of the security and intelligence agencies to perform their functions, or which might reveal the operations, investigations, sources, techniques or methodologies of the agencies will not be shared. The SDLP has said this means a devolved justice minister will not be able to get meaningful answers to questions about any controversial MI5 activities. Alex Attwood, of the SDLP, said it was not acceptable that Westminster politicians would decide "what is shared and on what terms it is shared" with elected representatives at Stormont. "Northern Ireland is unlike any other part of Britain, we have had a bitter experience around policing," he said. "We have had MI5 involvement in very serious instances, including providing money to the police to pay agents who were involved in serious instances, including murder. We need to have mechanisms to ensure that if MI5 are involved here then there is some level of control and accountability." The DUP's Ian Paisley Jnr said the SDLP needed to accept the fact that issues concerning national security would not be devolved. "The local justice minister will have responsibility to deal with local justice issues in terms of courts, prison service and the general holding to account of the police service," he said. "No local justice minister
is having their fingers near the national security of the UK."
Loyalist
march through Stoneyford faces restriction The Parades Commission has restricted the route of a controversial loyalist parade through a County Antrim village on St Patrick's Day. The Pride of the Village Flute Band had asked the commission for permission to march through Stoneyford in County Antrim at 1900 GMT on 17 March. The band had wanted to march through a number of mixed Protestant and Catholic housing estates in the village. However, the commission ruled the march should only proceed down Main Street. The commission said the march should proceed, without stop, from its assembly point at Stoneyford Orange Hall and down Main Street as far as its junction with Ashvale Heights. Marchers must then turn around and march back the way they came to the Orange hall. The commission also said the parade must be finished in 15 minutes. It also banned paramilitary clothing, banners and other paraphernalia. 'Intimidation' In its ruling, the commission said that the parade could only give rise to increased sectarian tensions in the area. "The commission understands that Stoneyford has seen sectarian tension, and that the organising band has been the focus of concerns about sectarian intimidation in the village," it said. "As it has done previously in considering parades notified by this band, the commission suggests to the organiser that he reflect carefully on whether his actions are in the best interests of community relations in Stoneyford; and if they are helping to further the interests of parading as a peaceful, cultural tradition." The Pride of the Village Flute Band is led by loyalist Mark Harbinson, who in November 2009 was remanded in custody charged with sexually assaulting a 13-year-old girl. Mr Harbinson has also been questioned by police in connection with an alleged sexual assault on a 15-year-old girl and a 12-year-old boy. He was arrested in October when police allegedly found indecent images of the 13-year-old girl on his mobile phone. He denies the charges. The 42-year-old from Sheepwalk Road in Stoneyford was a prominent Orangeman during the Drumcree standoff in Portadown. Sinn Fein MLA Paul Butler said his party was seeking a meeting with police to discuss the march. "Whilst we welcome the decision of the Parades Commission to place the severest restrictions on this sectarian march a banning order on these types of parades is the only way to show that this type of sectarian coat-trailing will not be tolerated," he said. The Parades Commission was set
up in 1997 to make decisions on whether controversial parades should
be restricted.
Ford
defends insult to Bloody Sunday families Would-be Stormont Justice Minister David Ford has said he is willing to meet the Bloody Sunday families and wounded to explain why he called the Saville Inquiry into the murder and attempted murder of civil rights marchers “pointless”. The Alliance Party leader has been criticised by relatives of those shot dead and those wounded by the British army that day in Derry after a private e-mail containing his views on the Saville Inquiry was leaked. The South Antrim Assembly member said he would re-consider his choice of words if the families felt it necessary. “If it becomes apparent that that particular word should be withdrawn, then I will certainly consider doing that,” he said. Mr Ford is favourite to become Stormont’s policing and justice minister when powers are devolved from Westminster to Stormont because it is felt he is the only candidate who will command the required cross-community support within the Assembly. But the contents of the e-mail sent to the Alliance’s sister party at Westminster – the Liberal Democrats – last November has led to him being widely criticised. In the briefing note on potential Liberal Democrat parliamentary questions to Britain’s secretary in the six counties, Shaun Woodward, Mr Ford said the Saville Inquiry was “pointless” and so were any questions on it. The Saville inquiry was set up in 1998 to re-examine the events of January 1972, when British soldiers from the Parachute Regiment murdered 13 people in the Bogside area of Derry and wounded 14 others, one of whom died shortly afterwards. Mr Ford claimed he hadn’t criticised the families’ desire to find out what happened, but was concerned about the inquiry process the British government used to do it. “It seems to me, in terms of achieving justice for the families, that the Saville Inquiry has taken an inordinate length of time, enriched a number of lawyers extremely well, and not necessarily achieved anything for the families,” he told the BBC. Sinn Féin MLA for Foyle, Raymond McCartney, said the “gratuitous” remarks would be received with disdain by the vast majority of citizens of Derry. Mr McCartney said: “David Ford’s ill-advised comments regarding the Saville Inquiry are offensive and hurtful to the Bloody Sunday families who have campaigned with dignified resolve to expose the truth about the murders of their loved ones. They will be received with disdain by the vast majority of citizens of Derry. “Mr Ford should do the honourable thing and request a meeting at the earliest convenience with the families to explain his reasoning for making these gratuitous and offensive remarks” SDLP MP for Foyle, Mark Durkan accused Mr Ford of insensitivity. He said: “One thing he doesn’t know is the importance of the Saville Inquiry and the significance of Bloody Sunday, not just to the families who lost loved ones, but also to the community in Derry and many people beyond.” Mr Durkan said the “grievous” wrongs of Bloody Sunday had been compounded by the subsequent Widgery Inquiry which was widely condemned as a whitewash. He added: “The Alliance Party does not care a jot about that issue.” Tony Doherty, whose father Patrick, was murdered on Bloody Sunday said Mr Ford “should be ashamed of himself” and called on him to withdraw his “grossly insensitive” remark which he said amounted to “arrogance and dismissiveness”. Mr Ford said he regretted that offence had been caused: “I’ve already requested my staff set up a meeting which I gather some of the relations want,” he said. But he then added: “I personally don’t think that I am the only individual in northern Ireland who feels the spending of £200m on enriching lawyers rather than dealing in a different way with the needs of the victims is a fairly ineffective way of dealing with the problem.” Shaun Woodward will meet with
the Bloody Sunday families and wounded today to update them on progress,
or lack of it, on the publications of the findings of the inquiry.
A pointless
inquiry? The Devenport Diaries Alliance say it's an old story - but the reference I made to David Ford's errant e-mail on this blog back in November was little more than a glancing reference, given that we did not have the text of his e-mail at that stage. There's little doubt that the full version has now been leaked because it's a more politically damaging time. But whatever the motivation for the leak, the disclosure that the Alliance leader referred to the Bloody Sunday inquiry as "pointless" poses him some difficulties ahead of the final nomination of a future Justice Minister. That said, the fact that Sinn Fein accompanied their criticism by suggesting Mr Ford should meet with the Bloody Sunday families could be a hint that they are prepared to help him find a way to extricate himself from his extended e-mail woes. As I write I gather that meeting is due to take place tonight. Of course whether or not we have a local Justice Minister will depend to a large extent on next Tuesday's vote in the Assembly. The UUP continue to insist that the time is not right for devolving justice whilst the DUP argue (as NIgel Dodds did on Inside Politics) that they won't go it alone without UUP support. However a number of things are happening behind the scenes. Sir Reg Empey has been having meetings with the DUP and Sinn Fein. The Ulster Unionist leader is also co-chairing with Margaret Ritchie a working group on improving the operations of the Executive which was set up as part of the Hillsborough deal. An interim report from that group is believed to be imminent. The group has been looking at housekeeping matters - such as allowing SDLP and UUP advisors to attend Executive meetings and stopping policy papers being sprung on the smaller parties at the last minute. But there's also talk of more radical measures to change the way the Executive operates, with some sources talking about extending the vetoes currently enjoyed by the DUP and Sinn Fein to the UUP and the SDLP. That might please the smaller parties, but couldn't it be a recipe for yet more deadlock? Back in his Ulster Hall speech last September the DUP leader Peter Robinson pledged that "in circumstances where the UUP and SDLP make a good faith effort to work constructively on matters in the Executive DUP Ministers would insist that all decisions will only be taken by consensus and we will not use our votes to override their opposition." But the UUP and the SDLP would want more than a promise from the DUP to satisfy them. Other UUP concerns which have been raised (outside the Hillsborough sub committee) include changing the way the First and Deputy First Ministers are chosen in order to stave off the prospect of a Sinn Fein First Minister in the future, making real progress on academic selection and appointing a UUP minister to the justice portfolio rather than Alliance. Which brings us back to David
Ford's e-mail difficulties. I remain convinced he's long been the
DUP and Sinn Fein's first choice for the job, but could his throw
away Bloody Sunday remark make the prospect of a UUP minister more
attractive to Sinn Fein? Much will now depend on the response of the
Bloody Sunday famiiles when they meet the Alliance leader tonight.
Why MI5
is free to operate here while Stormont can't do a thing
By Eamon McCann At Stormont on Monday, Mark Durkan said that MI5 had "serious questions to answer" in relation to the killing of Kieran Doherty. Mr Doherty's body was found dumped on the Braehead Road outside Derry on Wednesday night last week. The Real IRA says he had been one of their members and that they'd killed him for involvement in a "cannabis factory" in Donegal. The Doherty family has denied the allegation and suggested that MI5 had a hand in the events. What gives this suggestion credibility beyond the ranks of conspiracy theorists is that in the weeks leading up to his death, Mr Doherty had repeatedly complained to local media of MI5 harassment. However, the fact that the questions are credible doesn't mean Durkan will get credible answers. Or any answers. MI5 doesn't do answers. Or credibility. This matters greatly because MI5 is a major player in the north. The scale of its local operation is startling. Just as startling is the fact that it scarcely rated a mention in the debate over the devolution of policing and justice. The competing rights of Orange bands and nationalist residents were regarded as far more significant. 'Parochial' would be too grand a word for the hugger-mugger negotiations and po-faced pronouncements. Putting control in the hands of a power-sharing administration would mark the definitive end of 'political policing', we were told. But under the arrangements accepted at St Andrews, the lead role in political policing is to be taken not by the PSNI, but by MI5. And MI5's discharge of the role won't come under Stormont control. Not that it's presently under Westminster control, either. Last Friday, one of the most senior judges in Britain, Lord Neuberger, Master of the Rolls, launched a scathing attack on MI5 for conniving in the torture of former Guantanamo detainee Binyam Mohamed and lying about it afterwards to Parliament. Neuberger suggested that Foreign Secretary David Miliband had been hoodwinked by MI5 into issuing three Public Interest Immunity Certificates falsely claiming that documents relating to the case should be withheld because national security was at stake. The real reason, Neuberger proposed, was that the documents supported Mr Mohamed's claim that MI5 officers had flown to Pakistan where he was being held by the CIA to put questions to him, even though the agency knew that he had been tortured by the Americans to try to force him to give information - information which he didn't have. That is, MI5 condoned and took advantage of his torture and then suborned a government minister to issue a fraudulent document to thwart the efforts of the courts to establish whether this had in fact happened. This is the publicly-stated view, not of a bunch of Left-wing libertarians, but of one of Britain's highest judges. As for its role in Northern Ireland, Annexe E of the St Andrews Agreement says that MI5 will "continue to run directly a small number of agents who are authorised to obtain information in the interests of national security as distinct from countering criminality". MI5 is thus sanctioned to run informers in paramilitary groups in the North without the authorisation or knowledge of any office or institution here. Back in 2006, during the Westminster debate on the bill enshrining the St Andrews Agreement in law, Mr Durkan moved an amendment to give the Police Ombudsman powers to investigate security operations which would involve MI5 and the PSNI working together. He was literally laughed at, accused of sulking at having been sidelined when the deal was being done. Durkan said then: "If we don't act on this then MI5's role will undermine the whole point of Patten, which was to grant some democratic control and scrutiny over security policies . . . a future Minister of Justice would be standing up in the Assembly unable to give the full intelligence picture as he or she wouldn't have any access to that intelligence." The Mohamed case shows that, when it comes to control and supervision of MI5, Westminster is useless. Under devolution of policing and justice, Stormont will be worse than useless. This helps explain the scale of MI5's operation here. In the year after St Andrews - 2007 - MI5 established a massive new facility at Holywood, Co Down. At 10,000 square feet plus an underground section, it has a capacity for 400 employees. Its remit isn't confined to the north. Holywood will assume overall control of the agency in the event of the Thames House, London, headquarters being incapacitated by terrorist attack or other emergency. Many might have thought that the area of the UK most affected by political violence over the past generation would hardly be the ideal location for MI5's second biggest and potentially most important facility. But that consideration will have been far outweighed by the fact that, once devolution is complete, the north, as far as accountability is concerned, will be a limbo-land for spooks to cavort in. Their natural habitat. So it will be trebles all round
at Holywood when the installation of David Ford as an Executive minister
is hailed on the UTV News as signalling that local politicians are
at last in control of policing and justice. This time, it won't just
be Mark Durkan who's being laughed at, but Stormont itself.
Liam
Adams presents himself to authorities Liam Adams today handed himself over to authorities as he faces an extradition bid over alleged sexual abuse of his daughter. He presented himself to An Garda Siochana members in Dublin city centre. He was initially detained at Bridewell Garda Station after the High Court yesterday sanctioned a European Arrest Warrant from the PSNI. Mr Adams, who is expected to contest the extradition, has persistently denied the allegations. A brief hearing on his extradition
was expected to take place in front of the President of the High Court
Mr Justice Nicholas Kearns this afternoon.
Dissident
pair in death warnings Two members of the dissident republican movement in Londonderry have said the police have told them their lives are under threat. The first letter from the police states that dissident republicans may seek to take some form of unspecified action. The letter to the second man from the police, stated that elements within the Real IRA believe him to be an informer. One man said five police officers told him on Wednesday night they had information he was going to be shot. The letters were delivered to both men, one week after the Real IRA murdered Kieran Doherty, one of the paramilitary group's own members. Both men say they believe the
intelligence services are behind the threats, which they say are aimed
at creating division and a smokescreen.
Orange
Order set to give verdict on parades blueprint Orange Order chiefs meet this weekend to deliver a verdict on changes in dealing with contentious parades — days ahead of the first crunch Assembly vote since the Hillsborough deal. A blueprint expected to involve the removal of the Parades Commission is expected to be presented to the quarterly meeting of the Grand Orange Lodge. A recommendation from the Order’s central committee — essentially its steering group — is thought to be positive. Grand Lodge members, who have voiced “areas of concern”, could overturn it and cast doubt on next Tuesday’s MLAs vote. The central committee is preparing the groundwork for Saturday’s meeting, which comes three weeks after the Order’s annual special meeting on parading. Since then Orange grand master Robert Saulters and grand secretary Drew Nelson met DUP leader and First Minister Peter Robinson, Nigel Dodds and the three DUP members of the working group on parades set up under the terms of the Hillsborough deal — MP Jeffrey Donaldson, Executive Minister Nelson McCausland and MLA Stephen Moutray. That was followed by a meeting of the institution’s central committee which was briefed by Presbyterian minister Rev Mervyn Gibson, a grand chaplain and, along with Sean ‘Spike’ Murray, an adviser to the DUP/Sinn Fein working group and member of the former Strategic Review Team on Parades headed by former Liberal leader Paddy Ashdown. The committee, which also includes senior officers at the county level of the Orange Order, then drew up a recommendation which has not yet been made public. The Order’s initial reaction to Hillsborough was a “positive step forward” but after the Tamnamore meeting Mr Saulters said: “Our membership have several issues of concern about the proposed arrangements that may come from the current parades working group and are in no position to make any judgment or form any opinion at this time.” Thus the outcome to Saturday’s deliberations could prove crucial to the DUP in deciding whether to press ahead with the expected cross- community vote next Tuesday formally requesting the transfer of policing and justice powers from Westminster to Stormont. SDLP MLAs have criticised the fact that Orange officials were given briefings while the report from the DUP/ Sinn Fein working groups is being kept under wraps. Upper Bann MLA Dolores Kelly said:
“By refusing to publish their report, Sinn Fein and the DUP
are sending a message to the community that they will have to accept
whatever political fix they have created on the future of parades
across Northern Ireland.”
Arms
body to provide weapons inventory Decommissioning chief John de Chastelain is to hold talks with the British and Irish governments as his Commission prepares to stand down after its near 13-year peace mission in Ireland. The governments yesterday published the latest report by the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD) — its last but one. It covers the most recent arms moves by the UDA, the Official IRA, INLA, the breakaway UDA faction in south east Antrim and what the Commission refers to as the “Shoukri Paramilitary Element”. This is another splinter group within the UDA under the control of one-time north Belfast ‘brigadier’ and ‘inner council’ member Andre Shoukri. The IICD ended its role in Northern Ireland on February 9 and in the Republic 16 days later. And the amnesty provisions that allowed for weapons to be decommissioned without forensic testing no longer exist. The IICD’s final report
will include an inventory — the Commission’s counting
of guns and bullets and the logging of all explosives put beyond use.
Maze
escapee case heard in Europe The European Court of Human Rights is deliberating on a claim by Maze prison escapee Brendan McFarlane that the State violated his rights by delaying for 14 years the initiation of a prosecution against him. The prosecution against Mr McFarlane related to the kidnapping of businessman Don Tidey in 1983. He was acquitted when the trial took place in June 2008. While the 17-judge Grand Chamber of the human rights court heard the case in Strasbourg yesterday, it may be months before it rules on the admissibility and merits of the action. The State is contesting the case. Mr McFarlane was released on parole in 1998 after serving a prison sentence in Northern Ireland for his involvement in a bombing in the 1970s for which the IRA was found responsible. He was arrested and detained by the gardaí a few days after his release and charged with false imprisonment and the unlawful possession of firearms. He was alleged to have committed such offences in 1983 when he had escaped from prison and was later released on bail. In his application to the Strasbourg court, Mr McFarlane complained the Irish authorities violated his right to a fair trial within a reasonable time under the European Convention on Human Rights. He also said his right to a fair
trial was violated due to the delay and the loss of key real evidence.
He further complained that his arrest amounted to a disproportionate
interference with his private and family life.
Warrant
issued for Liam Adams A European warrant has been issued for the arrest of Liam Adams, who is wanted for questioning by the PSNI in connection with allegations he sexually abused his daughter Aine Tyrell in the 1970s and 1980s. He presented himself to gardaí in December but they did not have the authority to detain him. Last month the PSNI revealed that while the official papers needed to hold Mr Adams in the twenty-six counties had been received by the Department of Justice, a number of technicalities still had to be resolved. After the documentation issues, the arrest warrant was endorsed by the High Court in Dublin yesterday. A Sinn Féin spokesperson said the party was surprised it had taken so long for the warrant to be issued. “It is our view that this should have happened before now,” he said. “However what is now important is that this case is placed before the courts and allowed to proceed without further delay.” The sex abuse claims became public in December when Ms Tyrell waived her right to anonymity in a television documentary. Her father was due to appear in court in Belfast in November 2008 to face 23 charges relating to the alleged crimes, but did not show up. Sinn Féin President Gerry
Adams has repeatedly called on his brother to hand himself in to face
the allegations.
Election
to be used to further delay Saville Report? Woodward approached Saville for electronic copy of findings Britain’s secretary in the six counties has said it will only take him about two weeks to consider the findings of the Saville Inquiry. The findings are due to be delivered to the British government during the week of March 22nd, but Shaun Woodward has said that because nobody knows when Gordon Brown will call an election (it is expected in May or June) the report into the Bloody Sunday murders could languish in a warehouse for weeks. He told the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee of Westminster MPs if that happened there would be security concerns about possible leaks and that people’s lives could be endangered if personal details were released. Speaking today he said: “Where it is the case that the report is delivered and there’s not a parliament to publish the report as an address, the report then sits in electronic and in physical form in a warehouse for what might be weeks, so I am genuinely concerned. “But I am also concerned, not just about legitimate leaks, but those leaks which actually of course are not based on the report at all but are wild speculation dressed up as leaks to which people might be highly anxious; soldiers, families, but to which it will be impossible to give any response.” Mr Woodward then, amazingly, admitted that he had himself approached Lord Saville for an electronic copy of the dossier in advance of its conclusions being finalised! The families whose loved ones were murdered and those who were wounded on Bloody Sunday have criticised Mr Woodward for failing to allow them to receive the Saville Report at the same time as the British government and its agencies. They fear it could be amended
or have parts withheld by British government agencies and have called
on Lord Saville to release the report into the public domain himself.
Saville
inquiry 'pointless': Ford The man tipped to become Northern Ireland justice minister has described the Saville Inquiry into Bloody Sunday as "pointless". Alliance leader David Ford made the comment last November in a briefing note to the Liberal Democrats. It was ahead of parliamentary questions to the secretary of state. The inquiry was set up in 1998 to re-examine the events of 30 January 1972, when British soldiers shot dead 14 people in Londonderry's Bogside. In the email entitled Northern Ireland Questions, Mr Ford states "Saville is pointless", adding in brackets and "so is any question on it". He goes on to write that the secretary of state is concerned at Alliance pushing the community relations policy Shared Future too much. He suggests Shaun Woodward regards it as another distraction on the way to devolving justice. He writes "if we, wanted to be slightly nice to Shaun, we could do a supplementary on the back of a question on the Independent Monitoring Commission." He said it is not that he wants to be particularly nice to the Secretary of State but he is more or less doing the right things at present. "And a question on the IMC would give him a chance to push Sinn Fein and the DUP a bit." Mr Ford then recommends a question along these lines which also involves tackling the dissident threat from republicans and efforts to build a shared future. At Northern Ireland Question time that week, 4 November, the Liberal Democrat spokesman Alistair Carmichael did ask questions along those lines. There were five questions on the Saville Inquiry from other MPs. Mr Ford has yet to respond to
questions from the BBC about his email.
Woodward
warning on Northern Ireland justice vote The NI Secretary of State has warned if MLAs reject the devolution of policing and justice an extra £800m of government cash will not be available. The money was set aside last year by the government as part of an additional budget for devolution. It was set aside to cover areas like hearing loss claims, equal pay and the building of a new police college. Speaking to MPs in Westminster, Shaun Woodward said MLAs should think about that when they vote next week. He said that if the assembly collapsed because of a political stalemate over policing and justice the public would not forgive them. Earlier, the SDLP MP Mark Durkan accused the DUP leadership of "craven weakness" over the Hillsborough Castle Agreement. He said the DUP Leader Peter Robinson had given the Ulster Unionist Party a veto over the issue. Mr Durkan also said that by "demanding" Ulster Unionists support the deal, the DUP were using the UUP as a "political human shield". He claimed DUP leader Peter Robinson had put himself in a "nonsensical position". Next week, the assembly will vote on the devolution of policing and justice. The Foyle MP said the SDLP would
support the vote even though they had reservations about plans to
make the Alliance Party leader, David Ford, justice minister.
Shoukri
group gives up arms The final report from the body which oversaw decommissioning in Northern Ireland has been published. The IICD saw IRA, UDA/UFF, UVF/RHC, INLA, OIRA and weapons from paramilitary micro-groups destroy arms over its 12 years in existence. In its final report the body said the "Shoukri paramilitary element" decommissioned in December 2009. Andre and Ihab Shoukri were high profile UDA members expelled from the loyalist grouping. Ihab died in 2008. The pair were unlikely loyalists, two of the three sons of an Egyptian man who married a local woman. Raised in the Westland estate Andre Shoukri attended an integrated school for a while, but joined the UDA, an organisation which has had links to the racist group Combat 18. Andre Shoukri first became known after being charged with the manslaughter of a rising tennis star in Belfast in 1996. He punched Gareth Parker, a Catholic, who fell on the road and was hit by a car. Shoukri pleaded guilty to the lesser charge of assault and received an eight-month jail sentence. He was aged 19 at the time. Later he was alleged to have risen through the ranks of the organisation to take over the leadership of the UDA in north Belfast. In July 2003, he was given a two-year prison sentence for possession of a gun. By 2004, he was one of the UDA's "brigadiers" who met the then Secretary of State Paul Murphy. He and his elder brother, Ihab, were expelled from the UDA in 2006, along with another close associate, with the group's ruling body, the 'inner council' accusing them of being criminals. The UDA leadership accused them of running a drugs empire, extorting tens of thousands of pounds from businesses, and siphoning off money from funds for UDA prisoners. In one court hearing police had said Andre Shoukri had gambled £863,000 in a Belfast bookmakers. In 2007 Andre Shoukri was sentenced to nine years in prison at Belfast Crown Court over an extortion racket on a Belfast bar. In November 2008 Ihab Shoukri died in his home in Rathcoole, Newtownabbey of a suspected drugs overdose. He was 34. The Independent International
Commission on Decommissioning said arms, ammunition and explosive
devices had been decommissioned by the 'element' in December 2009,
which followed on from two previous events in which a small number
of arms were decommissioned.
Ian Paisley
seat will be battlefield for unionism’s future There has been talk for years about coolness between the Paisleys and the Robinsons — the two “family firms” that have long dominated the DUP. Recent weeks have provided clear evidence that Ian snr has not been overly delighted with the man who succeeded him as party leader and First Minister. But here's a rich irony thrown up by the current political scene. Peter Robinson's future as DUP leader may well depend on the Paisley dynasty seeing off the threat from Jim Allister. A TUV victory in North Antrim would be disastrous for the party. Even a narrow victory for Ian junior, in a seat comfortably held by his father, could well cause a major wobble among colleagues. Paisley is widely credited with bringing down liberal Unionist Prime Minister Terence O'Neill decades ago. What is sometimes forgotten is that O'Neill actually defeated his arch-critic when they went head to head in a North Antrim election battle in 1969. The margin of victory was so close — in a once safe seat — that it helped finish off the then-Stormont Prime Minister. More than 40 years later North Antrim once again finds itself at the heart of battle for unionism's future. And this time a Stormont First Minister has a lot to lose. Shows of DUP unity will presumably take place as Ian junior fights to defend the seat. But those who like to speculate about friction between the Paisley and Robinson camps have a fair bit of recent material to cite. After the sex and money scandal about the First Minister's MP wife Iris broke in January, Ian senior was reported to be “beyond fury”. That newspaper claim was never denied. The Paisleys also snubbed repeated opportunities to declare their support for the embattled First Minister in the period immediately after the Iris scandal. More recently, Paisley snr delivered what was viewed as a sharp rebuke to Mr Robinson. It came in his weekly News Letter column, after the DUP leader had spoken of having a “clever device” to use in the event of the Hillsborough Castle Agreement not working out as planned. Paisley wrote: “All this talk of clever tricks and cunning plans is to undermine the chance of its success.” The fate of the DUP founder and the man who lived so long in his shadow remain tied together. Their double act worked over the years, to the chagrin of opponents. But now the son of the ‘Big
Man’ has to win one for his dad, his party — and Peter
Robinson.
Dublin
appeals to UUP to endorse policing transfer Senior officials from the Department of Foreign Affairs in Dublin are mounting a major diplomatic effort to try to persuade the Ulster Unionist Party to agree to the transfer of Policing and Justice powers to the Assembly next month. A crucial vote is scheduled for next Tuesday, when a majority of unionist and a majority of nationalist members of the 108-strong chamber will have to endorse the proposal. DUP deputy leader Nigel Dodds reaffirmed at the weekend that his party would not back the Hillsborough Deal if the UUP refused to support it next week. On Monday First Minister Peter Robinson repeated the demand for UUP support, saying that without it “community confidence” would not be achieved even though he has sufficient MLAs to carry the vote within his own party next week. Now, senior UUP figures have revealed that officials from the Department of Foreign Affairs are trying to convince the UUP to vote for the deal on Tuesday. “We hadn’t heard from the Department of Foreign Affairs in two years and then suddenly they’re on the phone, inviting us to lunch, suggesting chats and all that,” one senior UUP figure said. “They kept away from us as if we had some contagious disease for the last two years and then, when it looks as if Peter Robinson is going to come unstuck, they are all over us like a rash,trying to put the pressure on us to pull Robinson out of a hole,” one senior party officer said. So far UUP leader Sir Reg Empey has been reluctant to pledge support for the deal, although he has agreed to chair a committee set up under Hillsborough to see how the Executive could function more effectively. Gordon Brown and David Cameron
have been exerting pressure on the UUP leader to lead his Assembly
group through the lobby behind the DUP next Tuesday. If they abstain,
or refuse to take Peter Robinson’s lead, there will probably
be a collapse of the Assembly and an election which could see Martin
McGuinness returned as First Minister.
Derry
drug suspects 'need protection from dissidents' Police have asked judges in Londonderry to consider withholding the names of drug suspects to ensure their safety. Dissident republicans Republican Action Against Drugs (Raad) have shot and wounded at least 15 men in the city. Chief Inspector Chris Yates said the gunmen were finding potential targets by reading their names in newspapers. He told the BBC he had asked the district judge in Derry to review whether the names and addresses of suspects should be revealed in court. Shot Mr Yates gave one example of three men charged with drug possession. "We still have to work on the presumption of innocence," he said. "These guys appeared in court on Monday charged with possessing cocaine, and on the following Friday night, two of them were shot. "It's not intelligence-gathering, it's just reading the paper." In recent weeks, the third man was shot in the legs after being ordered to go to an alleyway in the city. Mr Yates told the BBC's Spotlight that police had "a clear picture" of Raad's membership but intimidation within communities was preventing them from gathering the necessary evidence to obtain convictions. The practice of including people's
ages and addresses in court reports is designed to avoid confusion
should someone else have the same name.
1641
massacre accounts examined A group of academics has been tasked to reinvestigate a centuries-old massacre of Protestants in Ireland. University language experts have been given a grant of £334,000 to pore over thousands of witness accounts of massacres following the 1641 rebellion. The Protestant death toll was most recently put at between 4,000 and 12,000, mainly in Ulster. However, there have been allegations that accounts of the killings were exaggerated for propaganda purposes. Four thousand depositions corresponding to about 20,000 pages which have been locked away in Trinity College Dublin (TCD) since 1741, have been transcribed into digital format over the past two years. The research team will use IBM technology, known as "dirty text" analysis software, to examine and cross-reference names, places, words and phrases. Dr Barbara Fennell, senior language and linguistics lecturer at the University of Aberdeen, who will lead the project, said they expect to prove within a year whether witness statements were genuine or overstated by commissioners working for Oliver Cromwell. "It is important to remember that these depositions are mediated by the commissioner who wrote them down so there is inevitably manipulation of the descriptions," she said. "That's what we are investigating, and given that it was such a sensitive time, and given what Cromwell did later in exaggerating it all, I think we have a really interesting tool here to see if there has been that kind of manipulation." Dr Fennell said the next stage of the project would allow them to profile persons alleged to have carried out certain atrocities and map where they were supposed to have happened. The academics will then use "forensic linguistics" to test the reliability of the reports, based on the wording, phrases and the veracity of the commissioners who took it down. "This will give us an insight into who allegedly did what to who, and then it will allow us to investigate the reliability of the evidence," Dr Fennell said. |
