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Latest News 3rd July 2009 |
Castlereagh
case dropped The case against a former chef sought in connection with a break-in at a top security base in Northern Ireland dramatically collapsed today after prosecutors said he would not receive a fair trial. The Northern Ireland Prosecution Service announced that Larry Zaitschek can no longer be prosecuted because of the emergence of new evidence concerning the 2002 break-in at Castlereagh police station. Mr Zaitschek worked in the base’s canteen at the time of the dramatic events, when three intruders breached security and escaped with top secret files believed to have related to police officers and their agents inside paramilitary ranks. Millions of pounds were spent rehousing officers and others whose security was compromised by the episode. In the aftermath of the Castlereagh break-in, Mr Zaitschek returned to the US. The man who became known as “Larry the Chef” alleged security force harassment in the period that followed and said he would resist attempts to extradite him. His wife was said to have entered a witness protection programme in Northern Ireland and Mr Zaitschek claimed he was being kept apart from their young son, Pearse. Events took a further twist when it emerged that Mr Zaitschek had known senior republican Denis Donaldson. The senior Sinn Féin figure was later exposed as a security force spy and went into hiding before being shot dead by unknown gunmen at an isolated cottage in Co Donegal, where he had been living. The circumstances of the Castlereagh raid went to the heart of the covert world of intelligence gathering. A statement issued today by the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) said it had properly pursued its investigation. It said: “The PSNI has pursued a rigorous and thorough investigation into the events concerning the aggravated burglary at Castlereagh police station which occurred on March 17 2002. “All materials and evidence gathered during the course of that investigation and known to the PSNI were properly presented or revealed to the Public Prosecution Service, who initially concluded that the test for prosecution was met. “Recently, other material, which did not originate from the PSNI or the security and intelligence agencies, was drawn to the attention of the PSNI. “This was relevant to the facts at issue and the PSNI agreed was such that its disclosure would be necessary in order for Mr Zaitschek to receive a fair trial. “Despite the efforts of the PSNI, we are not in a position to make available all the relevant material to PPS for the purposes of disclosure. “Consequently, the PPS have
concluded that Mr Zaitschek could not receive a fair trial and PSNI
are in agreement that a prosecution could not proceed in those circumstances.”
The Northern Ireland Office declined to comment today and said the
matter was one for the justice system and not for government.
Castlereagh
break-in embarrassed police and threatened peace The break-in at the Castlereagh police base in east Belfast was a major embarrassment for police and put the developing peace process in Northern Ireland under severe pressure at the time. That someone could waltz into what was supposed to be one of the most secure police stations on the planet and make off with hugely sensitive files stunned security analysts, who immediately speculated on it being an inside job. Coming three weeks before the IRA put the second trance of its arsenal of weapons "beyond use" and with the political peace at Stormont uneasy, it was the last thing the Government wanted. It was a Sunday evening, March 17 2002 - St Patrick's Day - when Special Branch secrets were removed from an office - room 2-20 - in the complex where top terrorist suspects were interrogated down the decades. The room contained A-Z files on Special Branch officers, their phone numbers, code names of their agents and their handlers. As always the office was manned. The officer on duty, a Special Branch detective constable, was assaulted, tied up and had his mouth and eyes taped up by three men who suddenly entered the office and then made off with the masses of sensitive information. In the months that followed more than 100 Special Branch officers had to move home and others had to fortify their properties. Hundreds of police officers were put to work investigating the robbery. Initially the then Chief Constable Sir Ronnie Flanagan - a former Special branch chief - said he would be "most surprised" if paramilitaries were responsible. But before the end of March 2002 police said the investigations led them most strongly towards believing the IRA was behind the break-in. The IRA insisted it was not involved and blamed elements of British intelligence. A review later carried out by Sir John Chilcott - the man now heading the Government's inquiry into the Iraq War - later concluded there was no evidence of involvement by the intelligence services. However, six months after the break-in Larry Zaitschek was firmly in the PSNI cross-hairs. The American had been a chef in Castlereagh and was interviewed twice by police before returning home soon afterwards. A few months later, after a detailed investigation of his activities, finances, travel and examination of the people he associated with in Belfast, detectives decided he was their man and prepared the extradition case which was finally abandoned today. One of those he was associated with was Denis Donaldson, the key administrator in the Sinn Fein offices at Stormont after devolution. In October 2002, police raided the Sinn Fein offices and unmasked what was claimed to be a republican spy ring at the heart of government. What became known as Stormontgate led to the suspension of devolution and the reintroduction of direct rule when the then First Minister David Trimble threatened to collapse the administration. Donaldson was arrested and remanded in custody charged with having documents likely to be of use to terrorists. However in 2005 prosecutors said they were dropping the charges citing "the public interest". That public interest became clear days later when in a scene straight out of a spy novel, Donaldson admitted being a British agent in the heart of the republican movement. He made a public statement admitting he had been a British agent at the time of the Stormontgate raids and the Castlereagh break-in. He said he had worked for British intelligence and Special Branch since being recruited in the 1980s after "compromising myself at a vulnerable time in my life". Donaldson was expelled by a stunned Sinn Fein and disappeared from Belfast. In December 2005 he was tracked down and interviewed by a Sunday newspaper journalist who found him living in a run-down cottage across the border in Co Donegal. In March 2006 he was shot dead outside the cottage. The IRA, which was on ceasefire, was suspected of being responsible - despite its repeated denials. This year however the dissident Real IRA claimed responsibility for murdering Donaldson in an interview with another Sunday newspaper journalist who received their claim of responsibility for the murders of Sappers Mark Quinsey, 23, from Birmingham, and Patrick Azimkar, 21, from London, who were shot dead outside Massereene Barracks in Antrim in March. The PSNI took Suzanne Breen to court seeking notes and telephone records of her interview, but last month a Belfast judge ruled she need not hand them over. Recorder Tom Burgess said her right to life - she said she had been warned she would be under sentence of death by the Real IRA if she revealed her sources - outweighed any other public interest. As it stands there will be no
prosecution over Castlereagh, no prosecution over Stormontgate, and
so far, no prosecution in the Irish Republic over the murder of Denis
Donaldson.
Stevens
backs McCord killing collusion claim Lord Stevens, the retired senior policeman who investigated collusion cases in Northern Ireland, has backed a campaign for justice for a UVF murder victim. He said there was “clear evidence of collusion” in the 1997 killing of Raymond McCord in Newtownabbey. The former Metropolitan Police Commissioner made his comments in a letter to the victim's father, Raymond McCord Snr. Mr McCord fought a long battle to expose the role of a police informer in the UVF murder gang that killed his son. His allegations were vindicated in a 2007 report by Police Ombudsman Nuala O'Loan. In his letter Lord Stevens warmly praised Mrs O'Loan's investigation of the case. He also commended Mr McCord's efforts “in the face of all the obstacles placed in your path and the very real threats to your life by paramilitaries”. The letter continued: “The publication by the Police Ombudsman, Nuala O'Loan, of her excellent investigation and report in January 2007, ‘Operation Ballast', refers to your son's case and highlights clear evidence of collusion in your son's murder. “As mentioned by the Ombudsman in her report, I also reported on similar collusion in other cases and my definition of collusion was incorporated in Nuala's report. “You have my full support in your continued efforts to obtain justice for your son Raymond junior and bring to justice those responsible for his murder.” Welcoming the comments, Mr McCord said: “Certain unionist politicians criticised Nuala O'Loan and asked where the evidence was for her findings. “But now a former Metropolitan Police Commissioner has stated there is clear evidence of collusion. “Lord Stevens is an expert in collusion. This is a vindication of Mrs O'Loan and of what I have been saying for years. These unionist politicians should apologise for their past remarks.” Raymond McCord Jnr was beaten
to death in a quarry in November 1997. His father has long alleged
he was murdered on the orders of a senior UVF man who was a Special
Branch informer.
Truth
a bigger issue than decommissioning Relatives of people killed by loyalists from North and West Belfast have given news of a major decommissioning move by the UVF and Red Hand Commando a mixed reaction. At the weekend the leadership of the two organisations, who were responsible for almost 1,000 deaths during the 30-year conflict, revealed that all arms under its control had been decommissioned. The paramilitary command staff said it had “completed the process of rendering ordnance totally and irreversibly beyond use”. The UDA has also given up some of its weapons and it is understood that the process will be completed before the deadline of February 2010. North Belfast man JJ Magee tragically lost his 15 year old sister Anne in a UDA/ UFF gun attack in 1976. For him the move towards complete decommissioning of all arms especially those brought in by the Ulster Resistance, should happen sooner rather than later. "I do welcome the move and hopefully we see a more substantial move by the UDA in the future. I look forward towards a society where all guns are gone and we have a police force that isn't armed like there is in the south. "I do have concerns about weapons smuggled in from South Africa to the Ulster Resistance. Where did they go? "They killed a lot of nationalist people and I would want to be sure all those weapons were decommissioned. "I want to see those who were involved in setting up the Ulster Resistance play their part by releasing information about the weapons or going to find out where they are now, or encourage people to give them up." The UVF said the decommissioning process began last autumn but was suspended after dissident republicans killed two soldiers and a policeman in Antrim and Craigavon, in March. Former UVF prisoner Billy Hutchinson helped negotiate with the IICD led by General John de Chastelain who four years ago witnessed destruction of the IRA's arsenal of guns, ammunition and explosives. Josephine Larmour whose mother Sadie was murdered in 1979 by a UVF gunman said the news was extremely emotive, "especially for someone who has lost a loved one to the UVF," she said. "It is a very welcome statement and I hope it is true they have decommissioned all weapons. My focus is on the truth because the UVF and UDA were armed by the State. We need to know why our loved ones were targeted in the first place." Maureen Rafferty's 14-year-old son Philip was abducted close to his home at Tullymore Gardens and shot by the UDA/UFF. The same day 17 year old Gabriel Savage was murdered in the same area, by what is believed was the same gang. She said she didn't believe the outlawed organisation had fully let go of all its weapons. "They will never give up all their arms, I just don't believe them and I would be very sceptical about what they've said. "I do believe there was collusion in my son's case, because not for love nor money could you find a soldier on that road the night Philip was taken but yet this gang had the freedom to come in and snatch my Philip and then come back and grab Gabriel Savage outside the Busy Bee and murder him. The hurt is very deep for me about this and I find it very hard to take it in." The day after Philip Rafferty's murder, Eugene Heenan's father Paddy was murdered as he made his way to work. One man Albert 'Ginger Baker' was jailed for his part in the killing. "Yes there's less guns on the streets but the big issue is why were innocent Catholics killed? The man who killed my father was trained by special forces, he was an informant and he was the first supergrass to give evidence against the UDA. "The British government has
to decommission their weapons which are their agents because together
they stand accused of state murder. I think that is the far bigger
issue than any sort of decommissioning by the UVF."
Armed
Forces Day truth By Fr Des It seems recruitment is causing problems for the London army in Ireland. This is not new. State armies have always relied on a pool of poor people who will be so desperate for work and a living that they will go even to a recruiting office for them. We shudder in horror at poor people in very poor countries selling their body parts in their poverty, and yet we seem to accept people selling their lives and freedom for the same reason. In times of relative prosperity recruitment may fall. If people knew the reality of armies it would fall even more. In the early 1970s the London army in Ireland had another problem. Not only lack of recruits but soldiers buying themselves out. An official from their department of defence said, “It’s serious enough when privates and NCOs buy themselves out but when commissioned officers want to go too, that is more serious still”. Soldiers who had been attracted by the promises of the recruiters had come to realise the dangers even on the streets of Belfast. That was one reason why London officials at that time toyed with the possibility of withdrawing from Ireland; another faction among them believed that a better way was to raise troops’ morale by allowing them actions like that of Bloody Sunday in Derry. The recruiters’ promises were shallow beside the reality of the streets in wartime. Now a similar situation is in Iraq and other areas where soldiers were persuaded they had to go to defend their own country. When you look at books about Christian morality you find a strange thing: writers object to us taking part in hypnotism shows because they say it is wrong to give your free will away to anyone. Too dangerous. They say the same about joining citizens’ military organizations: “You must not, because you are giving over your free will to people who may give you immoral orders”. Writers But in government armies, soldiers swear to do just that and the Christian writers make no objection. They make no objection to soldiers swearing to obey orders even though they know they may be given immoral ones, like using torture or false imprisonment, giving officially prepared evidence in courts, fighting unnecessary wars. It would be good if Christian writers on morality were to tidy up their rulings so as not to give more lee-way to government army recruiters than they give to concert promoters. And if Christians and others were to discuss whether joining a state army is not against their religious and moral beliefs – if it is wrong to give away your freedom of will to anyone, surely this must include governments. Different matter if our homes, community or country are under real threat. Then we have a duty to protect them as well as a right to do it. If governments use armies to protect their people against real danger, well and good, there will be good people to help them. If they build up armies to have foreign adventures, not good at all, and it is hard to see how anyone is justified in helping them. There is a tradition in Ireland of Irish people enlisting in foreign armies. But often it was in desperation at events at home and also because there was a possibility of hitting at a home enemy on foreign fields. The moral problem of recruiting our people to state and foreign armies in peacetime is serious. Yet events like “Armed Forces Days” and recruiting drives pass with little public argument, as if they were morally all right. They aren’t.
Dissident
killings drove us to brink of war, says loyalist By Brian Rowan A senior loyalist paramilitary leader has revealed how close Northern Ireland was to being returned to “the dark old days” after the dissident republican murders in March. Speaking just days after confirmation of decommissioning the source told the story of a leadership struggle “to hold the line”. In weekend statements the UVF, Red Hand Commando and UDA disclosed that preparations for disarmament were suspended in March after the dissident attacks at Massereene Barracks and in Craigavon. Two soldiers, 23-year-old Sapper Mark Quinsey from Birmingham and 21-year-old Sapper Cengiz “Patrick” Azimkar from London, and police officer Stephen Caroll were murdered. “People were champing at the bit (to react),” the loyalist paramilitary leader revealed. He said this was “across the board”, meaning across the loyalist organisations. “That’s how close it was,” he said — how close it was to “back to the dark old days”. In those weekend statements the paramilitary leaderships revealed: “Assurances were sought from the Government and the Irish government that those responsible in whatever jurisdiction would be vigorously pursued. “The key factor that saved the day was the arrests,” the senior loyalist told this newspaper. “While the security forces were doing their job, others were doing their job to hold the line. “The people who were champing at the bit were told of assurances and asked for space. It was very serious — (and) it was difficult. This thing (the peace process) has to be managed on a daily basis,” he said. Within weeks of the March killings it became clear that loyalists had not abandoned their decommissioning plans. And two statements at the weekend by the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning confirmed arms moves by the three mainstream organisations — the most significant by the UVF and linked Red Hand Commando. A source with knowledge of the decommissioning process is also now hinting at a significant move by the breakaway UDA “brigade” in south-east Antrim. The source suggested people would be “surprised — pleasantly surprised” when General de Chastelain reports in August. There was no detail of timing but the hint suggested more than a token gesture by the loyalist dissidents. General de Chastelain and his
team will be back in Belfast soon to assess what further progress
is possible before he delivers his August report to the British and
Irish governments. The IICD will end its role in the peace process
by February next year.
Robinson
backs 'attorney general' DUP leader Peter Robinson has publicly backed the man earmarked to be Northern Ireland's attorney general when justice powers are devolved. Earlier this week, John Larkin QC was involved in a war of words with the DUP's Ian Paisley Jr in his role as the QC for the Billy Wright Inquiry. Mr Paisley said "a lot of things could happen" before Mr Larkin became attorney general. However, Mr Robinson said Mr Larkin was still the DUP's choice for the job. "We have already indicated who our attorney general would be," he said on Thursday evening. Speaking before a meeting of the Executive, Mr Robinson said agreement had been reached on many aspects of policing and justice. "We are also I think leading to the situation where it is clear we could identify who the future justice minister might be," he said. "We have already got agreement on structures that are satisfactory - those structures allow us to ensure that there will not be a Sinn Fein minister which was concerning many people in Northern Ireland. "They also ensure that we would have the level of accountability that people would want." He said what still needed to be resolved were financing and community support for devolution of policing and justice. People could not be asked to support
it until they knew the funds were in place, he said.
Diplock
extension can not be justified MP says British government plans to extend non-jury trials in Northern Ireland can not be justified in the wake of recent loyalist decommissioning, SDLP MP Eddie McGrady last night warned. Diplock, non-jury trials, officially ended in 2007 but the British government said they could temporarily continue in exceptional cases if the Director of Public Prosecutions believed there was a risk of jurors being intimidated. Last month Justice Minister Paul Goggins said that Diplock courts would continue to operate in Northern Ireland for a further two years as jurors continued to face threats from paramilitaries. However, Mr McGrady has told a Westminster debate that loyalist decommissioning means there is no justification for the extension of Diplock courts. “The government has never provided any overwhelming evidence that jurors have been interfered with, with perverse results being caused,” he said. “Surely there needs at least to be clear evidence that a jury would be likely to be intimidated before there could be any question of a non-jury court. “The recent statement by
Secretary of State Shaun Woodward welcoming the complete decommissioning
of the UVF and the Red Hand Commando along with the start of decommissioning
by the UDA, further weakens the governments case for the need to have
these non-jury trials extended for a period of two years.”
Graffiti
tells Catholics to keep out of park Sectarian graffiti has been daubed on the walls of a popular north Belfast park warning Catholics to stay out. The writing said “Warning all taigs: use your own park” and “ATAT” (“All taigs are targets”). The graffiti appeared on a wall at Belfast City Council-run Grove Playing Fields and on a nearby wall, close to Alexandra Park. The playing fields are halfway between the largely Protestant Shore Road area and the Antrim Road which is predominantly nationalist. The playing fields are used by all sides of the community. SDLP North Belfast councillor Cathal Mulligan said he was concerned because such behaviour was likely to raise tensions, especially during the marching season. He said there had always been tension in the area around the July marching season but in recent years there had been “a certain degree of tolerance”. “Some people are trying to stir things up against a background of loyalist decommissioning,” he said. “I hope it’s not a campaign of intimidation. “I hope this is the work
of young people causing a nuisance and not sanctioned by any of the
paramilitary groups behind the scenes.”
Dissident
to report PSNI to children’s commissioner Dissident republican Gary ‘Donzo’ Donnelly intends reporting the PSNI to the north’s children’s commissioner because he believes frequent searches by police have left his young daughter traumatised. Mr Donnelly, a member of the 32-County Sovereignty Movement, said his seven-year-old daughter was frequently upset when police stopped and searched him around Derry. “It’s happened three times and she’s now even able to say to me: ‘That’s a section 44’,” Mr Donnelly said. Section 44 of the Terrorism Act 2000 gives the police the power to stop and search anyone in a particular area. Mr Donnelly said he had passed the matter to his solicitor and had instructed the lawyer to report the issue to the children’s commissioner. Patricia Lewsley. A police spokeswoman said anyone
wishing to complain about the actions of police officers should contact
the Police Ombudsman’s Office.
£5m
cost of policing parades The cost of policing parades in Northern Ireland was £5 million last year, the Chief Constable revealed today. Contentious marches with a high threat of disorder divert tens of thousands of pounds worth of PSNI resources from other frontline services, regardless of whether or not trouble kicks off, Sir Hugh Orde added. It is understood the cost of policing last weekend's White Rock parade in north Belfast alone was in excess of £100,000. The chief told members of the Northern Ireland Policing Board that the overall bill for the marching season would remain significant unless more was done to reach accommodation between communities ahead of the events. Paying tribute to those who had ensured parades so far this year had passed off without major incident, he stressed the importance of reaching agreements throughout the summer. "The overall cost of parading last year was £5 million," he said. "Now that's a substantial cost in terms of what we could've done with £5 million in terms of community policing and in terms of dealing with crime levels which, experience tells me, is exactly what communities talk to me about." Board members also raised concerns about the continuing tensions around the issues of flags in areas across Northern Ireland. Sir Hugh agreed with calls from some members for a review of parading and flags issues at the end of summer to try to come up with a way to reduce tensions and ensure less police time is taken up managing them. But he said it was the responsibility of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister to take the lead on the issue. Of the parades to date this marching season, he added: "While it is right they have been peaceful it's also right to say there have been certain tensions and I would like to place on record my thanks to all partners who have worked hard and very long hours both within the community and within my own organisation to try and gain agreement. "But it has to be said that a failure to agree deploys huge additional resources from policing just in case something goes wrong and these are people who should be doing community policing and dealing with crime which currently is increasing slightly." Overall crime is up by around 4% in Northern Ireland on the same time last year, with the most significant spike coming in regard to serious violent crime, which has increased by 22% in the last three months, on the back of a 27% increase last year. Sir Hugh said the vast majority of these incidences were related to disturbances involving young men under the influence of alcohol late at night. At what was the Chief Constable's last board meeting before leaving the PSNI in September, he also noted with concern the increase in road deaths in the region over the last three months. Thirty three people have been killed in that period - 12 more than last year. Calling for young people in particular to reduce their speed, he revealed that one of the victims in the last quarter had been issued with a speeding ticket hours before the crash that killed them. Assistant Chief Constable Duncan McCausland said that concentrated speed cameras were going to be stationed on 12 more roads in the region in a further bid to reduce the carnage. During the two-hour public meeting in Belfast, the police chief came under attack from Sinn Fein board member Martina Anderson following the Public Prosecution Service's decision to drop all charges against the first individual to be subdued with a Taser gun in Northern Ireland. She claimed the fact that Declan Smith left court in Derry, as the judge put it, "without a stain on his character", proved that deploying the stun gun had been wrong. Sir Hugh said the matter was currently under investigation by the Police Ombudsman and he would reserve any comments until that probe was over. On last month's racist attacks on Romanians in South Belfast, Sir Hugh reiterated his belief that his officers had done everything in their power to help the families and rejected claims made at the time that police had been slow to respond to call- outs. On the threat from dissident republican terrorists, he said it remained high. "I do think they are becoming increasingly isolated; that does not make them less dangerous," he said. "They remain determined to
attack police officers as we speak."
'We owe'
migrant workers, Belfast rally told Migrant workers are essential to the North's economy and enrich life in the region, a public rally against racism was told today. Trade union leaders organised the protest in the centre of Belfast to speak out against a spate of racist attacks in the city. More than 100 Romanians were forced from their homes in the most notorious recent incident, but the rally heard condemnations of “soft racism” which it was claimed feeds the actions of a violent minority. Irish Congress of Trade Unions (Ictu) assistant general secretary Peter Bunting hit out at those who said they opposed racist attacks, but who always added the word “but”. “These are the remarks you hear on radio phone-in shows. ’I condemn this, but ...’,” he said. “This is soft racism. This is racism crossed with cowardice. People without conviction accusing others of evil. “The facts cannot be clearer, in research report after research report. “Migrant workers are not taking our jobs. Migrant workers are not taking our benefits. Migrant workers are not taking our social housing. “In fact, migrant workers are filling jobs which need to be done, and paying taxes which pay for public services. They are collecting far fewer benefits than they are entitled to, such as universal child benefit. “Migrant workers are young, and highly productive workers and are having children among a general population which is getting older. The children of migrant workers are reversing plans to close schools in certain areas. “The health service could not function without skilled immigrant labour. Our most vulnerable, our aged and our ill, are being cared for by migrants. “We owe them.” Several hundred people attended the event, despite poor weather conditions. Mr Bunting told the audience outside Belfast City Hall: “This event today ought to be the launch-pad for a new campaign for sufficient resources for anti-racism champions in every community, across the creeds and the classes.” Threats were made this week against Polish and Islamic centres in Belfast. More than 100 Romanians were forced from their homes in the city last month in an incident that attracted widespread condemnation. Polish families in Co Tyrone were attacked, as was an Indian centre in Belfast. Police have said the spate of attacks was not co-ordinated, but the increased attention on the issue sparked an Assembly debate on racism on Monday at which the violence against minorities was widely condemned. Police have also warned Alliance
party politician Anna Lo – the only member of the Northern Ireland
Assembly from an ethnic minority background – that she was also
under threat.
Unionism
must take on bigots in its midst It’s long past time that unionists acknowledge the festering problem of unchallenged racism within the community, writes DAVID ADAMS . A few weeks ago, about 130 Romanian people had to take refuge in a church hall after being forced to flee from their homes in a unionist part of south Belfast. Scores of frightened men, women and children were bussed to safety, with belongings they could carry packed into plastic bin-liners. Who could fail to have been moved by the images on our televisions and in our newspapers? Who in Northern Ireland could fail to feel anything other than sympathy, anger, and a deep sense of shame? Lamentably, quite a few people if subsequent radio phone-in programmes are anything to go by. At the time, senior unionist politicians and Protestant Church leaders were unequivocal in their condemnation. However, after windows were broken last week in an attack upon the church that had given refuge to the fleeing Romanians, the former were noticeably absent from media coverage of those calling to offer sympathy and support to the pastor and his congregation. They must have felt they had already done enough. A few weeks before the expulsion of the Romanians, a Catholic man, Kevin McDaid, was beaten to death by loyalists in Coleraine in a sectarian attack. Local unionist politicians condemned the murder of Mr McDaid, but were also at pains to point out that sectarian tension had been high in the area for some time. Whatever their intention (and I’m sure it was honourable), this was widely interpreted as offering “mitigation”. The feeling was compounded when, disgracefully, no senior unionist politician saw fit to join local Protestant Church ministers at Mr McDaid’s funeral. What sort of message did their non-attendance send to the victims and the perpetrators of hate crime? Last weekend, Anna Lo, an Alliance Party MLA for south Belfast, was warned by police that her home was under threat of attack because of her vociferous condemnation of the intimidation of the Romanians. Originally from Hong Kong, Ms Lo has lived in Northern Ireland for nearly 35 years, and is our only MLA from an ethnic minority. She is a shining example of everything a political representative should be. In the early hours of Tuesday morning of this week, shots were fired through the window of a house in Ballymena. Apparently, it was the third attack within a month on the (Protestant) couple who live there. Their “crime”, was, as members of the local residents association, to challenge people engaged in hanging loyalist flags from every lamp post in the religiously mixed housing development. Almost as an aside, there have also been threats made this week against the Belfast Islamic Centre, and against Chinese businesses in south Belfast. The list of hate crimes perpetrated by members of the unionist community goes back as far as you care to look. It seems set to continue as far forward as we can imagine – if unionism doesn’t decide to do something about it. The reaction of unionist politicians in particular to an attack is always the same: a few words of condemnation, and then move on. To call this woefully inadequate is an understatement. It is long past time that unionists at all levels acknowledged that there is a major problem with bigotry within their community, and, more importantly, decided upon a comprehensive plan of action to eradicate it. It’s no good whingeing about getting an unfair press. The media doesn’t invent what it reports upon, if the problems didn’t exist in the first place, if horrific incidents weren’t happening every other week, there would be no room for negative publicity. Nor is it any good pointing the finger at nationalists and saying, “They’re just as bad”. In all honesty, that doesn’t appear to be the case – and, even if it were, it’s hardly an excuse. Of course, all unionists aren’t racist, sectarian, homophobic bigots, far from it. And of course there are those within the media and in politics who would like nothing better than to label them all as such. But the people doing the real damage to unionists are not the media or political opponents, but the virtually unchallenged bigots within their own communities. Unionism is adding massively to its own negative image, almost colluding in it, by doing little or nothing to tackle bigotry. Besides, image should not be a primary concern. This should not be reduced to a competition between nationalism and unionism. The safety and wellbeing of members of our society is all that matters. Individually and collectively, unionists must become relentless in their active opposition to the poison of bigotry. Parents and political leaders, church ministers and schoolteachers, and every other unionist with a voice, must constantly be lecturing and hammering home a message of tolerance – especially to children. Unionists must make it clear that bigoted attitudes will no longer be tolerated within their communities. It is nothing short of shameful for politicians and others to make do with a few back-covering condemnatory remarks after each incident. Bigotry is causing enormous pain
and suffering within our society and must be tackled. It’s long
past time that unionists took up the challenge.
PSNI
accused of ‘naked sectarian policing’ The PSNI has been accused in court of “naked sectarian policing” after officers in Coleraine allegedly facilitated the erection of loyalist flags close to the scene of the sectarian murder of Catholic Kevin McDaid. During a High Court bail application for a man accused of inciting hatred following a confrontation with Orange Order members who were putting up the flags, a defence barrister suggested police may have inflamed tensions by facilitating them. Barrister Kieran Mallon told the court that facilitating the erection of the flags so close to the murder scene in the Heights area of the town “did not do the credit of the PSNI any good.” He said: “Police officers were there in riot gear to facilitate the erection of these emblems. Members of the nationalist community in the area found the emblems offensive and all the more because of recent events.” Mr Mallon added: “In terms of easing tensions, there were very many more persons there, perhaps in uniform, inflaming tensions by their actions or lack of actions.” However, Crown counsel Conor Maguire said officers were in the area at the time to prevent any breaches of the peace. Tensions flared in Coleraine last week when the flags were erected close to where Mr McDaid was murdered and his friend Damien Fleming left for dead during a vicious attack by a loyalist mob in the Heights estate in May. It was alleged in the High Court yesterday that three of the men questioned in connection with the murder and attempted murder were helping to erect the Orange flags and that some of the loyalists began to chant “Kevin McDaid fenian b*****d”. A relative of Mr McDaid — Peter Neill (41), of Westbourne Crescent in the town — was arrested by police for allegedly shouting “Orange b*****ds, you're not wanted here, we don't want your f***ing flags” at the loyalists. He was remanded in custody and charged with incitement to hatred and behaviour likely to stir up hatred. Mr Mallon told the court that before his arrest Neill had asked police if it would be illegal to take down the flags. He was allegedly told it would not be, but that it would breach the peace. Mr Mallon said his client questioned was it not also a breach of the peace to enter a nationalist area to put up flags. “Mr Neill says this is political policing at its worst. He said it is naked sectarian policing,” said Mr Mallon. He added: “The police facilitated a large group of loyalists to enter a known nationalist area with a cherry picker to erect these flags, some metres away from a sectarian murder. “This particular applicant (Neill) comes from a community that does not welcome the emblems or flags of the Orange Order. Policing is all about confidence and impartiality. It leaves a lot to be desired in terms of confidence that police deliberately facilitated a cherry picker to erect flags of the Orange Order in an area housing mainly nationalists.” The court heard that Neill, who denies the charges against him, was being kept under 23 hour lock up in the punishment unit of Maghaberry Prison to protect him from the loyalists charged with the McDaid murder because he is one of the witnesses against them. Opposing bail, Crown counsel Conor Maguire said that Neill has a lengthy record and that since his arrest incidents of antisocial behaviour have decreased dramatically. He claimed Neill was the leader of a group of people intent on stirring up trouble. However, Mr Justice Treacy granted bail on certain conditions, including that Neil is not allowed to reside in Coleraine and must adhere to a strict curfew. Members of the McDaid and Fleming
families moved out of the Heights area temporarily in advance of last
night’s Orange parade amid rising tensions.
McGuinness
pressed to give go-ahead for Orange march The head of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland has challenged Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness to condemn the murder of Orangemen during the Troubles and pressed for a march to be allowed along Garvaghy Road from Drumcree church in Portadown. Grand Secretary Drew Nelson made his call as the order commemorated the Battle of the Somme at a series of parades across Northern Ireland last night. A parade in Coleraine, which passed close to the spot in the Heights area where Catholic Kevin McDaid was beaten to death by loyalists in May, was completed without incident. Mr McDaid’s widow Evelyn, a Protestant and a mother of four, had appealed for the murder of her husband not to become the focus of renewed sectarianism in the town. The parade by local lodge, Killowen Purple Heroes, changed the route of its march and agreed other restrictions in an effort to ease tensions. No music was played and there was no nationalist counter demonstration. Earlier, Mrs McDaid appealed for peace: “We are a family drawn from the Protestant and Catholic communities. We have been raised to respect all traditions within our community and would appeal for dignity and calm at this difficult time.” She added: “We do not desire that any protest should be carried out in our family’s name. We made this statement in order to appeal for calm given recent tensions in the area. Kevin’s murder should not be allowed, or be used as an excuse, to breed further sectarianism or division within our community.” Nearly two weeks ago at Bodenstown Martin McGuinness said that the question of a small number of contentious Orange marches ought to be “dealt with once and for all”. “The days of republicans stretching ourselves and our communities to maintain calm in the face of sectarian provocation cannot last forever,” he warned However, in his address marking the opening of a new Orange arch in Annalong, Co Down last night, Mr Nelson responded to Mr McGuinness’s speech saying that members of the loyal orders paraded to re-affirm their Protestantism and Britishness. “Deputy First Minister I have a message for you,” he said. “I am Irish as well as British. I am a Protestant and a unionist and you cannot deny me that right nor the benefits which flow from it, including a legitimate expression of my religious and cultural heritage.” He accused the Deputy First Minister of being intolerant “of any Irish people publicly declaring their Protestantism and Britishness”, and accused the IRA of murdering 273 members of the order during the Troubles. “We won’t forget them
and we won’t allow them to be written out of history just because
it doesn’t suit the Sinn Féin version of Irish history
that so many people born and living on this island are, and wish to
remain, British,” he said.
What
Irish Americans should actually be advocating By Mike Cummings Americans concerned with the Irish conflict and its aftermath met in San Francisco and New York in recent days after the leadership of Sinn Féin, including Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness, invited discussion on Ireland's re-unification and how Americans might best help to bring it about. Many believe that issue had been resolved with the Belfast Agreement of 1998 and they would be correct to a point. To this day, most Americans are unaware that in 1918 the Irish people as a whole rejected British rule in a general election in which nationalist candidates, most in British jails, received nearly 80 percent of the vote. The British unilateral partition of Ireland two years later prompted not only a civil war but decades of armed and constitutional struggles to restore that sovereignty denied the Irish people. Unfortunately, that struggle effectively ended with that accord. There was to be no do-over of the democratic vote of 1918 that parliament rejected. Instead there was a "partitioned plebiscite" on the Treaty itself with its oblique references to Ireland's re-unification. As much as it pains me to say so, Ireland's unity remains as firmly in the hands of a British parliament today as it did in 1918. So as far as putting Ireland's national self-determination on the American foreign policy agenda, that train has left the station. The good news is that the agreement did end London's corrupt version of democracy and the murderous rampages of her majesty's terrorists, uniformed and otherwise. The decades of sacrifice by the brave nationalist community and the resistance of men and women in arms had at last born fruit. While the Good Friday Agreement is now the major factor limiting any American role in ending partition, there are other impediments. There is firstly the matter of scale. Tiny Ireland barely shows up on the foreign affairs radar screen of our Department of State, long under British dictation. Only the huge Irish-American presence in the electorate counter-balances this. There has also been the issue of Americans' interest in democracy and justice in the North far exceeding that of the Irish government of the day. This prompted the late House Speaker Tip O'Neil to chastise his constituents once saying, "What do you want me to do, be more Irish than the Irish government?" It is worth noting that the Irish government is not hosting these forums or, for that matter, ever hosted any discussion in America about national self-determination and unity. Finally, there is the small matter of pervasive British influence in two areas important to the conduct of foreign affairs: academia and the media. These fields of play have long been ignored by activists. As a consequence, what influential Americans read or hear about Ireland and the conflict is often fed to them by British sycophants. On campuses across the nation, apostles of the mythical "special relationship," particularly those enthralled with all things royal and imperial, teach unchallenged the English version of Irish history. It is, therefore, a daunting task to heed the call of Sinn Féin and face those obstacles. However, the problems don't end there. There is the real prospect of repeating the mistakes of activists over the past 30 years. Take for example these forums. Foreign policy is shaped with strategic and tactical objectives defined at high levels of government and commerce over extended periods of time. The open-mike discussion of Ireland's unity without the Irish government is, in truth, little more than a Sinn Féin pep rally. In the past, capable and informed advocates have been in short supply. A meeting was once arranged to discuss the Irish conflict with Congressman Hamilton Fish, then a key member of the House Judiciary Committee. Instead of making key points and seeking action, Fish was lectured on the scurrilous deeds of the English pope, Adrian IV. Advocacy by Americans has often lacked two necessities for success: consensus and focus. Lobbying objectives often shifted with each new escaped Irish prisoner who made it to these shores. Priorities and fund raising changed so often I was convinced it was a British ploy to minimize our impact. Lastly, for too long, lobbying efforts were focused on east and west coast friends in Congress with little consideration given to where power in foreign affairs really rested. The Irish-American presidential forums under the leadership of New York legislators like John Dearie and Joe Crowley restored the focus on presidential action. Richard Haass, the president of the Council on Foreign Relations, recently wrote that success in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere has for too long been defined in terms of improbable outcomes e.g. free democratic elections, rule of law etc. An action agenda for Americans which focuses on a re-united Ireland is a non-starter because it has an improbable outcome. Americans, however, can be of tremendous assistance. Prime Minister Haughey, in New York, once claimed that our support lifted the voice of the Irish government in its dealings with England. Let me suggest the areas where U.S. support might be most welcome and productive. 1. Media monitoring. If journalist Bernard-Henri Levy in the Wall Street Journal could criticize the Kremlin for "..shameless twisting of law and principle" what then might we demand our president say about Britain's corruption of law in justice in the North? 2. Democracy. No matter what phony democracy is instituted in the six counties, orders from the Privy Council in London can overrule everything including lawful human rights judgments. The U.S. should demand an end to this veto power, a vestige of the colonial era. 3. Truth. The U.S. has recently demanded from China the truth and accountability for Tian-an-Men Square. If the challenge by Secretary of State Clinton is not just for show and we are making these demands of a country that virtually owns America, how much more forceful should we be in demanding the truth and facts of over unsolved killings (mostly of Catholics) by the so-called forces of law and order in Northern Ireland. 4. Compensation. The Berlusconi administration in Italy approved a $5 billion restitution payment to oil rich Libya "as material and emotional recognition of the mistakes that our country has done to yours in the colonial era." One can only imagine what Britain should pay for the last 100 years alone of murderous mayhem and anti-Catholic oppression that has wounded generations of Irish families. Why shouldn't Americans lead the way in support of such compensation for Ireland? 5. Justice. The Belfast Agreement has failed to provide justice to the victims of the Bloody Sunday massacre, the Dublin/Monaghan bombings and the families of solicitors Rosemary Nelson and Patrick Finucane. Every day the U.S. protests action by foreign countries, imposes sanctions and/or restricts aid to discourage human rights violations, or to uncover unpleasant truths. Why should Britain get a free pass? Americans must show the world England's real legacy in Ireland. 6. Education. To the extent Americans know anything about Ireland's history and culture it is the sanitized English version. Conversely, England's undemocratic occupation of the North, the treachery of its "security forces" and their corruption of law and justice there is rarely found in text books, documentaries, scholarly journals or academic study. Americans should change this and promote a more balanced view of history than that of the oppressor and the conqueror. Sinn Féin knows full well that Whitehall has plans for the next 50 years in Ireland and is correct to be solicitous of Americans to disrupt those plans. But they signed the means and mechanism for Irish unity in the Belfast Agreement. Asking Americans to push public officials here for that is doomed to failure will only harm the credibility of other equally desirable areas of advocacy. Michael J. Cummings is a member
of the national board of the Irish American Unity Conference and is
alone in serving on the national boards of the Ancient Order of Hibernians,
the Irish Northern Aid Committee and the IAUC.
Loyalist
arms move a clear sign they have ‘come of age’ By Jim Gibney The peace process and the political process received a welcome and timely boost with the announcement last weekend that loyalist paramilitaries had decommissioned their arsenal of weapons in the case of the UVF and Red Hand Commando, and that the UDA had made a significant start to putting their weapons beyond use. Both initiatives by loyalists come at a time when the political process among the DUP section of unionism is showing signs of stress following a bad European election result for the party. There is some anecdotal evidence that the DUP leadership has started to ‘circle the wagons’ in the face of the challenge posed by the former DUP MEP Jim Allister. This is manifesting itself in the form of the DUP retreating into itself while in a powersharing government by treading water while they peer over their shoulder at Allister – a very difficult balancing act to perform for even the most dexterous – a description hardly applicable to the DUP. If this is the case and it is too early to be definitive about the impact of Allister’s election performance on the DUP, then significant difficulties could arise later this year. But for now loyalists have produced a good news story and importantly they have done it on their own terms and correctly taken all the credit for it. Watching the news conferences announcing the disposal of their weapons I was reminded of the early days of the peace process when the UVF and the UDA presented the articulate figures of the late David Ervine, Billy Hutchinson, Davy Adams and Gary McMichael. At the time this face of loyalism gave these organisations great hope that on the back of their 1994 ceasefires they could build a political party to represent their working-class interests. For all manner of reasons, many of them sinister, some involving the manipulation by British intelligence agencies of loyalists like the notorious Johnny Adair, this objective was not achieved. In the intervening 13 years the UVF and the UDA seemed to lose their way, lose the vision they had back in 1994. The tensions within and between these organisations caused confusion and suspicion among wider society about their real intentions. This was particularly so in loyalist working-class areas where both organisations in varying degrees were involved in drug dealing and racketeering. Loyalists Billy Hutchinson, Frankie Gallagher and PUP MLA Dawn Purvis correctly used words like, ‘historic’, ‘milestone’ and ‘momentous’ to describe the initiatives taken on arms. An emotional Jeanette Ervine, the wife of former MLA David Ervine, said the day was one that her husband had worked a long time for, “he should be here” and then commented: “It is time to move on, to speed the day when we come of age as a people.” And while there may be scepticism in some quarters about the extent of decommissioning by the UVF and the UDA, I believe their decision is a very clear sign that loyalists have ‘come of age’. The decommissioning decision should be praised and given a fair wind. More than 1,000 Catholics were killed by loyalists during the conflict. Of those families who lost loved ones and who spoke to the media they were generous in the midst of their grief and loss in welcoming loyalist decommissioning. There is no doubting the wider significance of the move on arms by loyalists. It also has to be seen against the backdrop of armed actions by republican dissidents. It is every bit as significant and far-reaching a development as the IRA’s arms move. The IRA’s decision effectively signalled an end to the republican armed conflict and opened a new pathway and chapter in the long struggle for a united Ireland. The decision by loyalists effectively places them in a position in northern society they have never been in before. They now have an opportunity to build the political party they tried to build in the mid-1990s. Perhaps they can now do so without the malign influence of the British intelligence agencies. Their decision is important to loyalists, unionists, nationalists and republicans and to all the people of this island. As a result of it the people of
Ireland can live with more certainty of peaceful times ahead.
PM ‘keeps
shtum’ on funding for policing British prime minister Gordon Brown has not said how much money will be given to Stormont following the devolution of policing and justice powers, First Minister Peter Robinson said last night. Speaking following a phone call with Mr Brown, Mr Robinson said devolution cannot take place until a financial agreement is in place. The first minister was due to meet Mr Brown with Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness at Downing Street on Tuesday, but was unable to attend because he was signing in his new executive ministers. Mr Robinson will meet Mr Brown at Westminster next week to have a “more detailed discussion” about the devolution of policing and justice. He said the two stumbling blocks are “the financial arrangements for devolving policing and justice and gaining the necessary level of community confidence required to support the return of policing powers to Stormont”. “Whilst the prime minister
has said he will be helpful he has not yet agreed a figure to deal
with the inescapable pressures which the Northern Ireland policing
and justice budget currently faces,” he said.
McCausland
in Gaeltacht meeting Hardline DUP minister Nelson McCausland will find himself in the heart of the Donegal Gaeltacht next week discussing the promotion of the Irish language with Irish government ministers, it was last night confirmed. In recent years Mr McCausland has been regarded as one of the most vocal unionist critics of efforts to promote the Irish language. He has opposed the introduction of an Irish language act at Stormont, as well as a British government public consultation process in 2006 to determine whether Gaelic should be recognised as an official language in Northern Ireland. “In effect the government seems intent on rewarding and encouraging the intransigence of republicans,” he was quoted as saying at the time. Yesterday, however, Mr McCausland was officially appointed minister for culture, arts and leisure, and it has now emerged that one of his first ministerial duties will be to travel to north-west Donegal next week to discuss the promotion of Gaelic with Irish government ministers. As part of the Good Friday Agreement the DUP minister is obliged to take part in cross-border talks with Irish government ministers. On Thursday Mr McCausland will travel to Donegal for the cross-border ministerial meeting. Under Stormont guidelines Mr McCausland must be accompanied by a nationalist minister. On this occasion he will be accompanied by the executive’s only Irish-speaking minister Caitriona Ruane. It is unclear if the two ministers will save ratepayers money by travelling to Donegal in the same ministerial car. Mr McCausland and Ms Ruane are expected to hold discussions with the Republic’s Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs Minister Eamon O’Cuiv and Education Minister Batt O’Keefe. A spokeswoman for the culture department confirmed that Mr McCausland would attend the cross-border meeting, but she insisted that the event had not been specifically called to discuss the Irish language. Instead the spokeswoman said that
the North/South Ministerial Council would discuss issues surrounding
“waterways and languages”.
Sectarian
mob attack woman's home The home of a Catholic woman has been attacked by a mob of up to 20 people in the predominantly Protestant Fountain estate in Londonderry. The windows of the house in Aubrey Street were smashed during the attack on Tuesday night. The woman was in the house at the time but was not injured. The police have said they are
treating the attack as sectarian. They have appealed for anyone with
information to contact them at Strand Road.
New date
for justice powers talk A meeting between First Minister Peter Robinson and Gordon Brown to discuss the issues of policing and justice has been rescheduled. It is expected that Mr Robinson and the prime minister will, instead, have a phone conversation on Wednesday. It comes after Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness said difficulties surrounding the devolution of powers may be resolved in the next few weeks. He was speaking after he held talks with Mr Brown in Downing Street. Mr McGuinness said he was hopeful the government would shortly make it clear what money would be available to fund devolution. It was the second time Mr McGuinness had met Mr Brown in the last fortnight. Mr McGuinness said he wanted the
government to accept liability on a range of issues including earning
loss claims for security force personnel and issues surrounding equal
pay.
Fears
loyalists trying to stoke up tension in contested areas There have been fears that loyalists are trying to stoke up tensions ahead of the marching season, reneging on previous agreements over flags in contested areas. Last week there were disturbances in Coleraine after loyalists attempted to place flags close to the nationalist area where father-of-four Kevin McDaid was murdered on May 24. Since then there have been a number of further incidents with nationalist residents raising concerns that previous arrangements over shared space were now being ignored. Shots fired at a house in Ballymena have been attributed to an argument over the erecting of flags in a mixed housing development. Over the past fortnight hundreds of flags have been placed in predominantly nationalist areas of south Belfast. The Ormeau Road and Finaghy crossroads areas are both bedecked with loyalist flags. At Fortwilliam in north Belfast, which backs onto the staunchly loyalist Mount Vernon estate, Union, Ulster and UVF flags have appeared in recent days. In areas where cross-community dialogue has taken place there have in the past been verbal agreements on the issue of flags. This has included an agreed time-scale as to when flags will be placed along a route and when they will be taken back down again. Loyalist spokesman Harry Smith, who is a member of the loyalist Finaghy Crossroads group, last night said the issue was a sensitive one that called for compromise on both sides. “I personally would like to see a time when unionist/loyalist people fly flags from their homes rather than from lamp-posts as they did in the past,” Mr Smith said. “In the meantime, though, peace does not just happen over night. It has to be worked at. “There is a very real fear within the loyalist community that the right to express our culture is being slowly chipped away and eroded. “Tolerance and respect for one another’s culture must be reciprocated on both sides of the divide. “In recent years flags have been reduced in south Belfast and following the last Saturday of August work will begin in the area to remove flags from lamp-posts.” However, Sinn Fein spokesman for the area Vincent Parker said the flags were an annual setback to good relations. “The majority of the residents in Finaghy don’t want flags erected,” Mr Parker said. “Some Protestant families have contacted me to tell me they are uncomfortable with flags being erected in an area. “Local business owners on the Lisburn Road have also said the flags have a negative impact on their trade in the summer months. “Residents that I have spoken
to are sick and tired of these flags being erected every year.”
Executive
fails survivors of Troubles say commissioners The victims commissioners yesterday said they feel a growing “frustration” at the executive’s continued delays in supporting survivors of the Troubles. The Commission for Victims and Survivors was set up in January of last year to support thousands of people affected by the conflict. But almost 18 months later the four-person commission has complained that politicians are stalling the delivery of that support. While a victims’ forum is expected to be established later this year, the executive has failed to deliver on a commitment to publish a strategy on how it will support survivors over the next 10 years. There has also been a delay in the formation of a new victims and survivors service. Referring to the strategy, victims commissioner Mike Nesbitt said: “We don’t understand why it is sitting up on the hill, unadopted. “We also want them to publish their paper on the new service. “It has been sitting up on the hill, along with the strategy, for far too long. “We are told variously it’s with the committee, special advisers, ministers or the departments. “Wherever it is, it’s not where it should be – out there with victims and survivors.” Mr Nesbitt expressed concern that politicians at Stormont appeared to be deliberately stalling the support. “What the departments seem to be creating is more confusion. Confusion equates with fear,” he said. Asked whether commissioners felt they were being used as a “political football” in a dispute between Sinn Fein and the DUP, Mr Nesbitt said: “I think what we feel is just a little bit of frustration with the speed with which things are being delivered. “When you look out at the community and you see some of the events, in terms of racist attacks, in terms of what happened in Coleraine, you do wonder, what exactly is going on? Where is the cohesion paper? Where are we going?” An executive spokesman described the victims issue as “complex and sensitive” but said it would take the commission’s criticisms on board. He said that in the last financial year the executive had spent more than £8.7 million on supporting victims. It would soon launch a public consultation on proposals for a victims and survivors service, he said. The commission’s public criticism of the executive is the latest in a long line of controversies with which it has been embroiled. In October 2005 the then secretary of state, Peter Hain, appointed RUC widow Bertha McDougal as the first victims commissioner. A year later the High Court ruled that the appointment was unlawful and had been politically motivated. However, it ordered that Mrs McDougal should be allowed to stay in the post to allow her to publish a victims report. A permanent victims commissioner had been due to be announced by the newly formed executive in July 2007. However, the announcement was delayed for seven months amid claims that Sinn Fein and the DUP could not agree on a suitable candidate. In January of last year Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness and the then first minister, Ian Paisley, announced that they were appointing four commissioners – Mrs McDougal, former newsreader Mike Nesbitt, Mediation Northern Ireland director Brendan McAllister and Patricia MacBride, the sister of an IRA man killed by the SAS. Michelle Williamson, whose parents were killed in the 1993 Shankill bomb, took a legal challenge against the appointments, claiming that Mr Paisley and Mr McGuinness had chosen the commissioners on religious and political grounds rather than merit. Her attempt to force the two men to give evidence in court failed and yesterday the High Court upheld the appointments as lawful. Mr Nesbitt appealed that those
who had taken the case would now give commissioners the opportunity
to “prove we are there for them’’.
Spot
the difference By Jude Collins 'Nothing has changed' – that's a common judgement on things here, sometimes accompanied by a shake of the head or a sigh, or both. Representatives from the north of Ireland may travel to the world's trouble spots offering their advice on how to solve conflict, but back home ugly events ooze to the surface and show a less sunny landscape. Some examples. Kevin McDaid was a well-respected voluntary community worker living in Coleraine, Co Derry. On Sunday 24 May a loyalist mob came across town to the area where Mr McDaid lived, intent on removing some Irish tricolours in the area which they decided shouldn't be flying. Hearing of trouble, Mr McDaid came out of his house to check that his son was safe. The invading loyalists set upon him and beat him to death. Last week in South Belfast, over a hundred Romanian immigrants had to leave their homes, clutching their children and whatever possessions they could carry. Their homes had been attacked by loyalist youths shouting racial abuse and threats of worse to come. When some Belfast people organized a march in solidarity with the Romanians, the local loyalists hurled abuse and missiles at the marchers. When he visited them in temporary accommodation, Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness found them frightened and concerned, with virtually all of them saying they wanted to return to their homeland. However poverty-stricken and dangerous, it'd be better than this. The first incident makes clear the visceral hatred of Catholics that finds a home in the unionist community. This isn't the first time Coleraine has seen sectarian murder. A couple of years ago a 15-year-old Catholic schoolboy called Michael McIlveen was chased, caught and beaten to death with a baseball bat by young loyalists not much older than himself. More covert sectarianism can be found among a surprising number of the unionist middle classes. Many find it difficult to see Catholics as their equals, let alone accept that the aspiration towards a united Ireland is as legitimate as unionist commitment to maintenance of the British link. The second incident couldn't have happened forty years ago, for the good reason that there were no Romanian immigrants on whom racist aggression could have been visited. But it was the same hatred of difference which motivated those who set fire to Catholic homes in Belfast's Bombay Street in 1969, and that motivates those in the middle-class district of Malone who, when they see too many Catholics move in, move out. But wait. This past week there's been an event that's been hailed as major change. The loyalist Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) has decommissioned a large part of its weapons arsenal. The move has drawn a welcome from all sides, since weapons which might have been used to kill innocent Catholics are now beyond use. But some remain sceptical. A number of families of UVF victims have suggested that UVF decommissioning is part of a deal to keep the circumstances of their loved one's death unclear and to prevent investigation of collusion between loyalist killers and the British forces. Others find it impossible to forget that the UVF produced the Shankill Butchers, a group of men who in the 1970s captured, tortured and killed innocent Catholics, using butchering equipment to inflict obscene injuries before cutting their victims' throats and dumping their bodies. Just like the killers of Michael McIlveen and Kevin McDaid, the Shankill Butchers didn't need guns to go about their work. Not so much change there, then. And in the poitical arena? Well, the past month has shown signs of major change, although maybe not of the kind all of us would wish. At the recent European election, the all-powerful DUP were challenged by Jim Allister, a former party member. Running on a platform of opposition to 'Sinn Féin/IRA' and rejection of power-sharing, he took 30% of the unionist vote. Amid much rejoicing, Mr Allister announced that his sights are now on the North Antrim parliamentary seat held for forty years by his former leader Ian Paisley and seen – at least until now – as a shoo-in for Paisley's son, Ian Jr. The DUP has long time presented itself as the strong face of unionism, and its commitment to power-sharing was seen as a guarantee of stable, cross-community government. Now Allister has shown that guarantee to be shaky and is openly rattling at the gates of Paisley's heartland. All change on the unionist front, then? Not really. Allister is merely doing to Paisley's party what Paisley's party did to the Ulster Unionists – he's accusing them of selling out to republicanism. The voting figures suggest a lot of unionists share his thinking. At one level, the north of Ireland
has changed markedly over the past ten years: sparkling new buildings,
a functioning local Assembly, an absence of shootings and bombings.
But for real change, you need to look deeper. Guns and explosives
aren't necessary if you want to kill those you hate, and political
movement is pointless when it's locked into a meaningless, vicious
circle.
Loyalist
jailed for gathering information A loyalist who used a police database to gather information on Catholics has been ordered to serve nine months in prison. The Court of Appeal increased the sentence imposed on former PSNI data inputter Aaron Hill, 24, after ruling that the original suspended jail term was unduly lenient. But judges held that it would be inappropriate to interfere with the punishment handed down to another man involved in the plot, Darren Richardson. Hill, of Mainebank, and Richardson, 31, from Moneynick Road - both in Randalstown, Co Antrim - had walked free after being convicted earlier this year. The two friends, who were members of a loyalist flute band in the town, each pleaded guilty to collecting information likely to be useful to terrorists. Hill also admitted misconduct in public office and was sentenced to 12 months in jail, suspended for two years. Richardson was found guilty of a further offence of possessing 40 rounds of live ammunition. He received a one-year prison term, but had already served the equivalent time on remand. Richardson had been working as a manager at Wrightbus coach builders in Ballymena, Co Antrim when the bullets were found during searches of his office in April 2007. Documents containing vehicle registration numbers together with the names and addresses of the owners were also discovered in his possession. 'Inadequate' Both men's cases were referred back to the Court of Appeal by the Attorney General on the basis that the sentences were inadequate. Judges were told that Richardson had gathered car registrations on Catholics living in the Randalstown and Toome areas and passed them on to Hill to tun through the police database. Hill, a civilian member of staff in the PSNI, admitted carrying out checks for more than two years before being detected. He estimated that he had searched around 100 names. The court was told that 67 people had to be warned to step up their security because their details had been accessed. Dealing with Hill, Mr Justice Morgan said he had been placed in a position of trust and that many people were left distressed by his actions. "The need for the public to have confidence that private information relating to them will not be released from police computers is particularly important in this jurisdiction because of concerns about personal security," the judge said. "This is a case which required an immediate custodial sentence and the suspended sentence imposed was, therefore, unduly lenient." Mr Justice Morgan pointed out that Hill could be facing at least two years in jail if he had contested the case. But taking into account his plea and admissions during interview he quashed the original punishment and substituted it with a sentence of nine months imprisonment. "We direct that the offender shall surrender himself to custody within 72 hours," he added. Mr Justice Morgan described Richardson as the initiator of the criminal conduct, with similar culpability to Hill. "It is clear, however, that having regard to the anxiety which this hearing has inevitably produced and the risk to Richardson's new employment the principle of double jeopardy would come into play," he said. "In those circumstances it
is not appropriate to interfere with the sentence imposed by the learned
trial judge in his case."
Paisley
Jr fined £5,000 over confidential source Northern Ireland Assembly member Ian Paisley Jnr was fined £5,000 today for refusing to reveal the name of a confidential source. The North Antrim representative avoided a jail term for defying a court order compelling him to disclose the identity of the informant to a public inquiry into the murder of loyalist paramilitary leader Billy Wright inside the Maze Prison in 1997. Mr Paisley, son of former Northern Ireland first minister Ian Paisley, was also ordered by Belfast High Court to pay £3,000 costs to the inquiry team. Taking into account the fine and estimated £35,000 of his own legal costs to date, the politician is said to be out of pocket by at least £43,000. Judge Mr Justice Gillen said the public interest in knowing the name of the prison officer who told Mr Paisley about a file destruction policy within the prison service in the wake of the killing by INLA inmates outweighed the pledge of confidentiality Mr Paisley had given his source. Finding him in contempt of court,
the judge said: "It is a recipe for legal anarchy for individuals
to pick and choose with impunity those laws they will obey and those
they will defy."
North's
racist incidents could 'rocket' Officials at two Stormont departments are working on specific policy proposals to meet the needs of immigrant communities in Northern Ireland following recent racist attacks. The Assembly was also warned that the rate of racist incidents was due to “rocket”. Initiatives from the Department of Social Development, expected to be published in the next few weeks, follow the intimidation of more than 100 Romanians in south Belfast this month. They were forced to spend a night in a church hall, which was later attacked, before being allocated emergency accommodation by the North’s housing executive, an agency of the department. The Office of First Minister and Deputy First Minister is also finalising a Cohesion, Sharing and Integration programme which is designed to tackle what Peter Robinson called the “inextricably linked” problems of racism and sectarianism. The First Minister told the Assembly yesterday he hoped the proposals would be published “without delay” and that the programme’s measures would tackle racism “in a substantive and holistic way”. Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness told the house: “It’s my intention to provide the draft strategy to the committee before the summer recess. If that isn’t possible we will continue to work through the summer.” Just two members of the Roma community targeted in recent racist attacks have opted to stay in Belfast, while the remainder returned to their own country last week on a flight paid for by the department. It is understood that those who have remained are in employment and are not in receipt of support by the state. Social Development Minister Margaret Ritchie has expressed regret that so many from one community chose to leave Northern Ireland last week. She has committed herself to measures aimed at tackling racist attitudes. Commending the response of many in south Belfast towards immigrants, Ms Ritchie said: “We must capture that positive warmth and translate it into actions which will help us all build a shared future for Northern Ireland. “I am looking at how my own department can specifically help in countering racist attitudes in our community in the weeks and months ahead.” Mr Robinson told Assembly members debating this month’s racist attacks on Romas that the cohesion programme would act as “a framework for us, moving forward into a new society based on tolerance and respect for cultural diversity”. This would be the basis on which Northern Ireland’s future prosperity would be built. Jolena Flett of the Northern Ireland Council for Ethnic Minorities said yesterday that action was urgently needed to protect vulnerable immigrant communities. “There’s nothing in place for people who basically have no access to benefits,” she said. There was also a need for “strong policy and leadership”. The council also criticised the police response to the intimidation, claiming that “initially, police did not understand how much fear they were in”. Ms Flett said a more fitting police response was then put in place. South Belfast Alliance Assembly member Anna Lo said yesterday she did not believe Northern Ireland was a racist society. “A small minority can bring
us all down in the eyes of the world,” she said. “Racism
is on the increase. Last year we had nearly 1,000 incidents, but this
year I can tell you I have no doubt the figure is going to rocket.”
City
MLA warned of racist threat Northern Ireland's only assembly member from an ethnic minority said she has been notified of a threat to her life. In the assembly on Monday Alliance MLA Anna Lo said police warned her at the weekend that her home may be attacked. Ms Lo, originally from Hong Kong, has lived in Belfast for over 30 years and represents a constituency in the south of the city. Earlier this month attacks on the Romanian community in the area forced more than 100 people from their homes. Ms Lo said she had received some hate mail in recent weeks and will step up her security following an anonymous call to the PSNI on Saturday. "I'm not going to be deterred by these people," she said. "If they think that they can stop me from speaking out against them or speaking for the vulnerable people, new ethnic minority communities or migrant workers they are mistaken." Ms Lo said she understood that a number of ethnic minority organisations had received a "threatening letter". "I would say to them to co-operate with the police, and I'm sure they will," said the MLA. 'Carry on' "I also advise them to step up their security, but I would also call on them to carry on. "They're doing a very good job in supporting their communities, and they really need this support now." A police spokeswoman said: "We do not discuss the security of individuals. "However, if we receive information
that a person's life may be at risk we will inform them accordingly.
We never ignore anything which may put an individual at risk."
McDaid
widow calls for restraint The widow of murdered father-of-four Kevin McDaid has appealed for calm ahead of a loyalist parade in Coleraine. Marchers are due to parade through the Co Derry town tomorrow. However, tensions are high after loyalists attempted to put up flags last week near where Mr McDaid was killed. The 49-year-old collapsed and died outside his Somerset Drive home moments after being attacked by a loyalist mob last month. His friend Damian Fleming was left in a coma after being set upon in Pate’s Lane. The parade was due to pass near Mr McDaid’s home, although organisers have voluntarily rerouted it away from his house. His widow Evelyn last night appealed for calm and said she hoped the parade passed off “peacefully”. “We continue to mourn the loss of our husband and father,” she said. “We would ask that the site of his death should not be disrespected or desecrated by anyone, nor should it be used as a monument to or flashpoint for sectarianism.” Mrs McDaid said her family was “drawn from the Protestant and Catholic communities” and had been “raised to respect all traditions within our community”. “We do not desire that any protest should be carried out in our family’s name,” she said. “Kevin’s murder should not be allowed, or be used as an excuse, to breed further sectarianism or division within our community. “ Meanwhile, Sinn Fein councillor Billy Leonard has claimed another witness to the murder has received a threat from loyalists. Mr Leonard said the threat was
made to discourage the witness from giving evidence.
Coleraine
attack victim’s harrowing story: I should have been the one
they killed The man who was almost beaten to death by the loyalist mob who murdered Catholic cross-community worker Kevin McDaid has said he believes it should have been him who died and not the father-of-four. In an interview with the Belfast Telegraph, Damien Fleming has spoken for the first time about the night of sectarian violence in Coleraine which shocked people across Northern Ireland when he was left for dead. He told of his feelings of guilt and sorrow that his lifelong friend was killed trying to save him. “I’ve been told Kevin was trying to save me. I don’t know what to say to his wife Evelyn. I cracked up when I heard he was dead. I sat and cried. Someone told me while I was still in hospital. The nurse told me they thought I might have a relapse because I was so upset. “If Kevin hadn’t come around (to help me) he would still be living. He had a family. He should have left me there. He was a dedicated family man. I feel very very down about what happened to Kevin.” Mr Fleming, who has just been released from hospital, said: “I was reared with Kevin McDaid. We knew each other since we were young boys. I ran about with him, went to school with him, played football with him. He is my second cousin. Kevin was always helping the community. He would have done anything for you. He used to organise things like fishing for the young ones here to try and keep them out of bother. He was a real family man. He shouldn’t have died that night. It should have been me. “I went to his grave the other day with my sister. It really upset me. Seeing his grave brought it back.” Mr Fleming said he is feeling very vulnerable being back in the Heights estate where the attack took place and is now looking to move to another area. Mr Fleming’s solicitor,
Garrett Greene, from McCann and McCann Solicitors, said that his client
has appealed for calm in the area and would like anyone with information
about the attack to come forward to police.
Loyalists
ask for US visas Loyalists linked to the UDA have asked that their ex-prisoners be allowed visas for the US in recognition of the decommissioning of guns. The Ulster Political Research Group (UPRG) said a delegation met members of the US Congress in Dublin yesterday. Last night the UPRG said it had held the meeting for several reasons, including to request that ex-prisoners be able to access visas. A statement read: “This would be an appropriate way for the US government to recognise the significance of loyalist decommissioning.” A UPRG spokesman said the meeting
was “very productive and positive”.
Loyalist
weapons move 'lacks clarity' Traditional Unionist Voice leader Jim Allister has challenged the secrecy surrounding loyalist weapons decommissioning and criticised the process as “lacking credibility”. Only immediate publication of a weapons inventory would establish the necessary public confidence, he said. Gen John de Chastelain’s decommissioning body said yesterday it has witnessed “a major decommissioning event”. This was welcomed by security minister Paul Goggins as a bold and welcome step by loyalist paramilitaries. “The gun has been taken out of the equation as regards loyalist communities,” he said. “The political challenge can now be embraced by everybody who has a care about people who live on the edge of society.” The move has also been greeted by the political parties and victims groups. However, Mr Allister said the move by the UVF and Red Hand Commando, and the initial decommissioning steps taken by the UDA, were “unsatisfactory”. “Self-certification by a paramilitary organisation that what has been decommissioned in fact represents the totality of their arsenal is as self-rewarding as it is lacking in transparency,” he said. “The public need and demand clarity. As things stand, we cannot say what was decommissioned or where or when or how it took place. Reports of the UVF’s and UDA’s decommissioning lack credibility in the same way that those of the IRA’s in 2005 did. “The inventories of what has been destroyed by the IRA and UVF should be published immediately. Then security experts will be in a position to make an informed judgment on what happened.” Mr Allister said there was a negative side to decommissioning. “A wealth of forensic evidence will have been lost. This will mean that the slim hopes victims had of seeing those who butchered their loved ones brought to justice have seen a significant setback. Failure to have granted these people their day in court is not something any society should celebrate.” No details of the decommissioning
have been revealed by the Independent International Commission on
Decommissioning. Its statement said: “The IICD can confirm it
has witnessed a major decommissioning event involving arms, ammunition,
explosives and explosive devices belonging to the UVF and Red Hand
Commando.”
Shots
fired at house in flags row Up to three shots have been fired at a house in Ballymena Co Antrim in a row over flags. Nobody was injured but a man and woman were left shocked and windows damaged following the attack shortly after midnight in the Rossdale area of the town. Ulster Unionist Party councillor Neil Armstrong said there had been a dispute in the largely unionist area over flags. “I just think this is truly a despicable act against people who are good hard-working members of society trying to do their best,” he said. “For them to be attacked like this is an absolute and utter shame and it is unforgivable.” This was the second time the property
has been targeted after the victims, a couple in their mid-30s involved
in community relations, asked for flags to be taken down until the
start of July as per an earlier agreement, Mr Armstrong added.
One reader
still has questions about 1981 hunger strike Letters The recent and very private meeting between Provisional Sinn Féin and families of the 1981 hunger strikers seems to have left us with even more questions unanswered than there was before the meeting. Firstly, I want to recognize that this is still a very emotional event for the families and no doubt also still very painful. I have difficulty writing this letter for these reasons. But the truth is the hunger strike is such an historic event that anything concerning it will always attract a lot of attention. The families recently released a statement through PSF press office asking for the allegations that the Provisional leadership turned down an offer that the prisoners thought was enough to end the hunger strike. For some of the families to say they want the controversy to end will not, unfortunately, make it go away. The hunger strike and the slow death of the ten men reached all corners of Ireland and even well beyond our shores. Former blanketmen, even surviving hunger strikers and republicans have a vested interest in what happened in July 1981, as can be seen by the amount of them that attended the public, and packed meeting held in Derry’s Gasworks a few weeks ago. Adams and the PSF leadership refused to attend this meeting. The British go-between to the Provisional leadership, the Mountain Climber, did attend and was open to questions from the public for the first time. He confirmed that O’Rawe’s account of the offer from the British was true. He also confirmed that the offer was rejected by the PIRA. What also came out at this meeting was that the INLA leadership inside and outside the H-Blocks knew nothing about the contact with the British. Two INLA prisoners died after the events of July 1981. Since O’Rawe’s claims came out the reaction from PSF was fast and furious, so fast that they did not coordinate what they were saying as they contradicted each other in public, and also forgot what was already recorded in the public domain. Adams has remained totally silent
on the issue since he was interviewed in two TV shows for the 25th
anniversary in 2006, where in one show, for the BBC, he spoke openly
about his role in the hunger strike and about the Mountain Climber
with ease. Then O’Rawe’s claims came out and Adams in
the RTé show denied he knew about the Mountain Climber, two
totally different versions that are contradictory, both can not be
true. The Mountain Climber issue is now well documented, as one of the contacts with the British. But one contact that seems to have slipped under the radar is the contact Adams personally had with the British. In his book Before the Dawn, Adams, in his own words, says that he was on the phone to a British contact when Joe McDonnell actually died. Who was this contact and where are the transcripts of these conversations? Why the need for the Mountain Climber if Adams and his “kitchen cabinet” had direct contacts with the British? There are lots of other questions that need to be answered about the role that Adams and his “kitchen cabinet” played during the hunger strike, for instance, in the same book, Adams also claims that the British always left it until the critical stage, as a hunger striker neared death, and phoned late at night believing that they (the “kitchen cabinet”) would be at a low ebb (now this is not the Mountain Climber contact, as that was all done in writing and only started on the 4/5 July) so he, Adams, got into the habit of cat-napping during the day to be fresh for these calls. Now what has me confused about all of this is (1) what “critical stage” was there before Joe died that Adams had contact with the British? Surely that would be the first four strikers? (2) Did the prisoners and their families know about this contact, because as far as I can tell this contact is not recorded elsewhere. (3) It is obvious from his own words that Adams played a major role (key role?) in the hunger strike, yet now remains totally silent in public on what that role was. Why? Finally, to the families I am sorry if this has opened old wounds for you, but this is not going to go away. The hunger strike and the men who died on it are such a massive part of our history that the events of 1981 will always be in the public domain and questions will be asked about the men and the hunger strike, just as questions are asked and examined about other major events in our history that wider society has a vested interest in, and that’s the way it should be. Gerard Foster
Anderson
'disgusted' by hunger strike row Foyle Sinn Féin MLA has said she is "disgusted" by what she described as republicans exploiting the grief of the families of the hunger strikers to attack her party. Ms Anderson made her remarks during the annual Derry Volunteers Commemoration event in the City Cemetery on Sunday. A crowd of up to 1,000 local republicans took part in the march from the Creggan shops to the republican monument in the City Cemetery. Her comments come amid claims by former blanketman Richard O'Rawe that the deaths of six of the hunger strikers could have been prevented after a deal, which he claims was accepted by the IRA's jail leadership was rejected by the organisation's overall leadership. The claim has been supported by the IRSP and several former prisoners who were in Long Kesh at the time but has been flatly rejected by Sinn Féin. The families of most of the hunger strikers, including County Derry man, Kevin Lynch, issued a statement last week calling for an end to the controversy. Speaking at Sunday's commemoration, Ms Anderson said: "I am disgusted that so many republicans are exploiting the grief of the families to attack us. "In doing so they have got into bed with the right wing press. "They should be ashamed of themselves. "If they have any honour at all they will call a halt to their shameful actions." Memory of the dead The Foyle MLA also said Sinn Féin are continually motivated by the memory of dead IRA volunteers and added that the current political situation could not have been achieved without their efforts. "Today republicans are wielding unprecedented political power in Ireland. "It is the volunteer soldiers of the IRA who made all that possible," she said. At the commemoration, the Roll of Honour was read by Tiernan Heaney, nephew of IRA member Denis Heaney, and the Roll of Remembrance was read by Aoife McNaught of Ógra Shinn Féin. Wreaths were laid on behalf of Sinn Féin, the Republican Graves Association, Ógra Sinn Féin, and Óglaigh na h'Éireann. The National Anthem was sung by
Sara Griffin.
Campbell
slams Guildhall IRA event The DUP's Gregory Campbell has reacted angrily to plans to hold an event commemorating IRA members who died during the Troubles in Derry's Guildhall. It was announced on Sunday that the annual Derry Volunteers Commemoration Dance is set to be held in the Guildhall in October, however Alderman Campbell described the move as "inappropriate" and said it will not be well received in the Protestant community. Plans to hold the event in the Guildhall, which was attacked on a number of occasions during the IRA's bombing campaign, were revealed on Sunday afternoon at the annual Derry Brigade Volunteers Commemoration at the City Cemetery. 'Inappropriate' Alderman Campbell said: It's inappropriate to commemorate events like this anywhere but it is particularly inappropriate in the seat of civic authority. "Those who are organising this should be in the business of apologising, not commemorating. "Commemorating events that involved IRA personnel murdering innocent people is not something that is worthy of a commemoration or dinner or any other event in a civic centre." The East Derry MP said the event will do little to assuage Protestant feelings of alienation in the city. "It will go down very badly in the Protestant community because people will see it as Sinn Féin still not completely disengaging themselves from their bloody and gory past. "Many in the community will see it as them trying to recapture some of what the movement was engaged in the past, even though politically they have moved beyond it," he said. A spokesperson for Derry City Council said: "The Guildhall is run on a commercial basis and is therefore available for general hire. "The Guildhall is available
to all communities and cultural traditions including political and
religious groupings."
Victims
Commissioners case fails A challenge to the appointment of four Victims Commissioners in Northern Ireland has failed. Michelle Williamson, whose parents were killed in an IRA bomb attack, challenged the legality of the process. However, a High Court judge has ruled that there were no grounds for her challenge to succeed. The commissioners said they regretted that anyone felt it was necessary to seek such a review of their appointments. It was originally planned to have a single commissioner on a £65,000 a year salary to represent those bereaved during 35 years of conflict in Northern Ireland. However, the Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister ditched the original appointment process. Instead it was announced in January 2008 that Patricia MacBride, whose brother was an IRA volunteer killed on active service, RUC widow Bertha McDougal, former broadcaster Mike Nesbitt and Brendan McAllister, director of Mediation Northern Ireland, would each be taking up the post. Lawful Ms Williamson had claimed there was no legal authority to create four victims commissioners. Furthermore, she alleged that Ian Paisley and Martin Mr McGuinness, who were in charge of the process, based their decision on religious beliefs or political opinion rather than merit. In his judgement Mr Justice Gillen said there was no basis for the suggestion that the selection of two Protestants and two Catholics led to an inference that they had been selected on the basis of their perceived religious or political affiliation. He said the decision not to re-open the selection process, when the First Minister and Deputy First Minister decided to move from one commissioner to four, was lawful. He said: "Whilst no-one else
was afforded an opportunity to apply to join this new concept of a
body corporate, I conclude the decision not to reopen the process
was a fair and proportionate decision in all the circumstances given
the earlier competitions."
Many
‘ambivalent’ to punishment attacks’
A community worker says many people are still ambivalent about paramilitary-style attacks following the shooting of a 26-year-old man in Derry. Derry community worker Tommy McCourt was speaking after the man was shot three times at his home in the city’s Rosemount area. The victim suffered two gunshot wounds to his leg and one to his other foot when a masked man fire through the door of his home at Florence Avenue. Police are still trying to establish a motive for the attack which took place shortly before midnight on Sunday. It is understood the victim’s injuries are not life-threatening. Mr McCourt, of Rosemount resource centre, said that most people accepted that in a normal society any alleged problems should be left to the justice system. “But it is a reality that a lot of people still have an ambivalent attitude to such attacks,” he said. Criminal justice minister Paul Goggins – who was in the city yesterday to open new legal offices – said he “regretted” news of the shooting. He said there was no place in a civilised society for such actions. SDLP leader and Derry MP, Mark Durkan said: “We had all hoped that this type of attack had been consigned to history. “I urge anyone with information about this attack to immediately contact the PSNI.” Sinn Fein councillor, Maeve McLaughlin said: “It is very worrying that this shooting incident occurred when young children were present in the house. I have visited the home this morning and the family are very angry and upset. “The people who carried
out this attack must inform the community why it was carried out and
who they represent.”
Loyalist
killer in Lords appeal A loyalist jailed for the murder of Portadown grandmother Elizabeth O'Neill is to take his legal battle against the conviction to the House of Lords. Guilty verdicts for a series of crimes for which Jim Fulton, 40, is serving a minimum 25-year prison sentence were upheld by the Court of Appeal in June. On Monday it agreed to certify a legal question on which he will now try to base a fresh challenge. Mrs O'Neill died in a pipe bomb attack at her Portadown home in 1999. Fulton, from Portadown, was jailed in January 2007 after being convicted of 48 terrorist offences, including seven attempted murders and directing terrorism. He was also found guilty of involvement in the murder of Mrs O'Neill. Fulton was arrested after an undercover police operation and covert surveillance was used to secure recorded confessions from him when he moved to Cornwall in 2000 to began working for what he thought was a crime gang. His lawyers argued that the taped admissions should not have been allowed in evidence against him. Despite quashing four of the convictions, the Court of Appeal held that police tricking a defendant into incriminating himself did not render that material inadmissible. They rejected defence claims that Fulton was subservient to others in the crime gang who paid his wages and supplied drink and drugs. Fulton's legal team returned before the same three-judge panel on Monday to seek leave to go before the Law Lords. Their request was centred on a legal point alleging that the 21-month covert operation involving a fictitious criminal enterprise designed to allow Fulton to incriminate himself, was the equivalent of an interrogation which breached his right to a fair trial and flouted the Police and Criminal Evidence legislation. Following submissions, Lord Justice Girvan said the judges had agreed to certify the question posed by the defence. Fulton's lawyers will now seek leave from the House of Lords to contest the Court of Appeal ruling. His barrister, Michael Turner
QC, also agreed to a Crown request for police tapes to be returned
once "all potential remedies are exhausted".
Deputy
first minister to meet PM It has been confirmed that Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness will be meeting the prime minister at Downing Street on Tuesday. On Monday, Mr McGuinness said he would travel to London with First Minister Peter Robinson, but a DUP spokesman said they had no record of the meeting. Mr McGuinness will now travel to London alone and meet Gordon Brown to discuss policing and justice. It will be the second time he
has met with Mr Brown in the last fortnight.
De Chastelain
confirms major UVF disarmament LOYALIST DECOMMISSIONING: General John de Chastelain’s decommissioning body has confirmed that the UVF and its sister paramilitary group the Red Hand Commando have carried out “major” disarmament, while the UDA has begun the process of full decommissioning. His Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD) issued separate statements – first on Saturday in relation to the UDA and after midnight this morning concerning the UVF. The IICD went a considerable distance in verifying the substance of the disarmament statements issued separately in east Belfast on Saturday morning by the UVF and Red Hand Commando and by the UDA – organisations which over the course of the Troubles killed about 1,000 people, most of them Catholics. It will report to the British and Irish governments at the end of August, when more detail may be provided. This morning the IICD said it could “confirm it has witnessed a major decommissioning event involving arms, ammunition, explosives and explosive devices belonging to the UVF and Red Hand Commando. The leadership of both organisations have advised us that the weapons and materiel put beyond use in our presence, include all the arms under their control.” On the UDA, it said on Saturday: “The IICD has witnessed a decommissioning event involving arms belonging to the Ulster Defence Association and the Ulster Freedom Fighters. This is a significant move, and we look forward to completing the process of putting all UDA/UFF arms beyond use at an early opportunity.” While its statement does not specifically say that all UVF and Red Hand Commando weapons were completely disposed of, the loyalist organisations said they had “completed the process of rendering ordnance totally and irreversibly beyond use”. The UVF said that in March this year all decommissioning preparations were suspended because of the dissident republican murders of two British soldiers and a PSNI officer. The UVF said it had sought, received and was satisfied with assurances from the British and Irish governments that dissidents would be “vigorously pursued” in both jurisdictions. The UDA said it was “putting our arsenal of weaponry permanently beyond use”, adding, “this process will be completed within the previously notified timescale.” This is a timescale agreed between the UDA and IICD, but neither side is saying what is the deadline for disarmament. Progressive Unionist Party politician and former UVF prisoner Billy Hutchinson, who was interlocutor on behalf of the UVF with the IICD, said: “The UVF and the Red Hand Commando have decommissioned all their weapons.” He said three independent witnesses from the US, the UK and the Republic of Ireland, whom he refused to name, observed the decommissioning. The UDA statement was handed out
by Frankie Gallagher on Saturday morning at offices in east Belfast
of the Ulster Political Research Group, political wing of the UDA.
He said the announcement marked a “milestone” in the history
of loyalism.
McGuinness:
UDA won't get money The UDA will not receive public money in exchange for destroying weapons, Martin McGuinness has said. The Deputy First Minister ruled out any payments after the loyalist paramilitary group said it had begun the decommissioning process. The UVF and Red Hand Commando added it had put all its arms beyond use and wanted to fully engage in the democratic process. Mr McGuinness said: “Money going into any area is on the basis of objective need and there are no other considerations.” Sinn Fein has welcomed progress on loyalist decommissioning. The main loyalist paramilitary groups were responsible for almost 1,000 deaths during the 30-year conflict. The UVF said the decommissioning process began last autumn but was suspended after dissident republicans killed two soldiers and a policeman in Antrim and Craigavon, Co Armagh, in March. Former UVF prisoner Billy Hutchinson helped negotiate with the IICD led by General John de Chastelain who four years ago witnessed destruction of the IRA's arsenal of guns, ammunition and explosives. Meanwhile, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has welcomed the loyalist decommissioning moves confirmed on Saturday. In a statement, Mrs Clinton said: “The announcements underscore the remarkable progress that has taken place in Northern Ireland over the years. All parties agree, as the people of Northern Ireland do, that the only way forward is through peace and reconciliation, and not through violence. “Peter Robinson and other
unionist leaders should be commended for their efforts in convincing
these groups to take this courageous step. Leaders on all sides deserve
our praise for their continued commitment to moving the process forward.”
PSNI
cutbacks 'must be examined' The size of the police service in Northern Ireland is no longer sustainable, the chairman of the Policing Board has said. Barry Gilligan said further cutbacks must be examined. He said unpopular moves, such as closing more stations, needed to be considered for the PSNI to deliver effective policing on a reduced budget. Chief Constable Sir Hugh Orde confirmed last week the full-time police reserve would be phased out by March 2011. The Police Federation, the union that represents police officers in Northern Ireland, reacted with dismay, saying it was premature at a time when the dissident threat is at its highest. However, Mr Gilligan said further changes were on the way. "The reality is, and a lot of people don't like to hear it, we have more police officers per head of the population than anywhere else in Europe and we have more real estate and police stations than any other comparable police service - and that is not sustainable,'' he said. Mr Gilligan took over from Sir Desmond Rea at the start of June as chairman of the Policing Board, which holds the PSNI to account. He said board members would have to examine difficult issues when they meet in August to discuss the future of the PSNI estate. "The message has to be got across that closing a police station is not about lessening the police service, it's about policing a community in a different way," he said. "But the perception seems to be that closing a police station means less policing, whereas closure of a police station in many cases can mean more policing and better policing." 'Inflexible' He added: We have an issue about the number of officers who are on the front line - we still have an issue about jobs being done by police officers that could be as effectively done by civilians, in turn releasing those officers to the front line. So there's room for better use of resources." He said that, while the PSNI's budget allocation of £1.2bn a year was relatively generous compared to other forces, it was inflexible, in that the majority of money went on wages and pensions. He predicted the job of managing the budget would become increasingly difficult once policing and justice powers were devolved to Stormont and the PSNI had to compete with other Executive departments for funding. "I'll tell you one thing
for sure - we won't be getting any more. The budget won't go up, in
my view," he said.
Wilson
considers Maze delisting The Environment Minister, Sammy Wilson, has asked officials to consider if he could revoke the listed building status of structures at the old Maze prison. The former jail's hospital and part of the H-blocks are currently listed. Mr Wilson told the assembly he has asked the NI Environment Agency to carry out "a further review of the listing and potential for delisting." The move was revealed in answer to a question from Sinn Fein MLA Paul Butler. He asked why a review was taking place given that the structures meet the requirements of the law regarding listed buildings. Mr Wilson agreed that the decision to list structures at the Maze was taken only after a detailed examination of the architectural and historic significance of the site and buildings had been carried out. However, he said "as a result of previous concerns expressed on this issue" he has asked the Northern Ireland Environment Agency to "carry out a further review of the listing and potential for delisting on this site." Bluster He continued: "I believe it is appropriate that the concerns expressed by the public and some members of this Assembly, subsequent to the protection of these structures by the agency, are seen to have been considered seriously." Some unionists are unhappy about the listing of the Maze structures, believing they have the potential to become a "shrine" to republican hunger strikers who died in the jail in 1981. Republicans argue the jail is an important part of Irish history and would like the site to become a conflict transformation centre. TUV leader Jim Allister described Mr Wilson's comments on delisting as "nothing but bluster." "Two consecutive DUP Environment Ministers have stood over the questionable decision and therefore given the proponents of the Maze ammunition to fight any moves to reverse it," he said. A development corporation is to be set up to look at what to do with the former jail site after Sports Minister Gregory Campbell decided not to build a multi-sports stadium there earlier this year. More than £350,000 has been spent maintaining the listed buildings on the site the former Maze prison over the last four years. The high-security prison, built
to house paramilitary prisoners during the Troubles, was closed in
2000.
Paisley
Jr 'wants to go to jail' The High Court has been told that Ian Paisley Jr appears to want to go to jail over his refusal to reveal a source to the Billy Wright Inquiry. Mr Paisley has refused to name a prison officer who, he claims, gave him information about the destruction of Prison Service files at the Maze jail. John Larkin QC said the inquiry did not want the politician jailed. He said "brandishing custody before Mr Paisley appears to be like brandishing a whip before Max Mosley". Max Mosley, the president of world motorsport, was revealed as a participant in sado-masochistic sex games by a tabloid newspaper. Monday's High Court hearing is considering what sanctions to take against Mr Paisley for his continued defiance of the ruling that he should reveal the name. In June 2007, Mr Paisley wrote to Billy Wright's father with information that the Northern Ireland Prison Service had employed people to destroy about 5,600 files shortly after his son was shot at the Maze Prison. Ruin Mr Paisley had said he was told of an alleged policy within the prison service to destroy a large number of files as an emergency due to data protection legislation. He said this information, which was provided by a "senior prison officer", claimed that the decision to destroy the files was "taken at the top". Mr Larkin, appearing for the inquiry, said jailing the DUP man would be ineffective and too costly to the public purse. Mr Paisley's barrister Joseph Aiken said his client had already suffered a huge financial penalty in excess of £35,000, for the earlier part of the court proceedings alone. He said perhaps contrary to public perceptions Mr Paisley had a modest financial position. On Sunday Mr Paisley said the case could lead him into "financial ruin." Mr Aiken also told the court Mr Paisley had made two attempts to be released from his bond of confidentiality but permission had been declined. The Judge Mr Justice Gillian hopes
to deliver his decision on what to do with Mr Paisley on Tuesday or
Wednesday.
Statue
fitted with tracking device One of Ireland’s most vandalised statues which commemorates a former IRA chief of staff has been fitted with sensor alarms and a tracking device. The statue of Sean Russell which stands in Dublin’s Fairview Park has been attacked on several occasions due to a perceived link he had with Nazi Germany. An original statue made of stone has been replaced by a bronze version which was unveiled in the park yesterday. Russell died off the west coast of Ireland on board a German U-boat in 1940. Critics have maintained he had links with the Nazi’s but supporters claim the trips Russell took to the Soviet Union, Germany and America in the 1920s and 30s were to search for weapons for the IRA. Four years ago a self-styled anti-fascist decapitated the statue as he felt Russell “looked to Hitler for political and military support in the IRA’s quest to reunify Ireland at the bayonets of the Gestapo”. The right hand was also removed in an attack while the entire right arm was broken off in a separate act of vandalism by a right-wing group who believed Russell was giving a communist salute. A new bronze version – which is harder to vandalise – was unveiled in Fairview Park yesterday and was commissioned by the National Graves Association. It is protected by a motion sensor
which will trigger a series of alarms if anyone tries to tamper with
it. There is also a tracking device in the head.
Gerry
Adams: Irish America holds key to united Ireland Sinn Fein set to use Twitter for new outreach Irish America holds the key to a united Ireland. That's according to Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams, who was speaking at the annual Sinn Fein forum in San Francisco on Saturday. Speaking to a crowd of over 400 people at St. Anne's Hall, Adams said that Irish Americans and the Irish Diaspora would be crucial in any attempt to unite the 32 counties. "This generation can make that dream a reality," Adams said, "That means not just dreaming about or singing about it, but actually doing something about it." Social media will form a crucial part of Sinn Fein's outreach. The new PR campaign will use Twitter and YouTube to virtually unite major American cities on St. Patrick's Day in calling for a "united Ireland." "Now is the time to take the unification of Ireland to the next level," said Pat Uniacke, chairman of the San Francisco chapter of the Gaelic Athletic Association. "I believe the Irish Diaspora and Irish America have a critical role in our quest to a united Ireland." He added that there will be many obstacles along the way, but that forums such as the ones in San Francisco and New York City will provide new insight and serve as stepping stones in the process. "Irish unity is bigger than Sinn Fein," Adams said, calling it both a national and international issue." A Sinn Fein task force is planning forums throughout Ireland, as well as events in Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and in continental Europe. He added that this new process would require more "thoughtful strategies," including a huge outreach to "Unionist brothers and sisters." Along with Sinn Fein, which organized the event, other participating organizations included the Ancient Order of Hibernians, Irish Northern Aid, and the Irish American Unity Conference. "Its an initiative that seeks to create an all-island dialogue, which must be open to all ideas," said Robert Ballagh, an Irish artist and political activist. Ballagh added that he is confident that this initiative can succeed. Adams acknowledged that there are still many obstacles including political differences and sectarianism that have yet to be overcome. And, Ballagh added; "There will be those who will enthusiastically support such a proposal," Ballagh added, continuing that "there will also be those who immediately oppose such a proposition." "Far more troubling is the resistance that will come from both the Irish government and most of the southern establishment," Ballagh said. Actress Fionnula Flanagan said that many issues needed to be addressed in Ireland including substance and addicition issues as well as the political issues. She said that the concept of a united Ireland had moved from being an unspoken issue to being understood as a disease needing open dialogue and treatment. John Burton, chairman of the California State Democratic Party, said he is looking into putting together a resolution calling for a united Ireland at the party's next executive board meeting. "Whatever we can do, we will do until Ireland is a united nation once again," Burton said. Diarmuid Philpott, president of the United Irish Societies of San Francisco, said that he and his organization are in favor of a united Ireland, but pressing issues like the weak economy need to be addressed as well. "In the south of Ireland, we need an economic plan. In the north of Ireland, we need an economic plan," said. "We need that kind of a plan to explain to the people what Sinn Fein is doing for an all-Ireland. If we get that, we can move forward." Irish journalist Eamonn Gormley, said that one of the problems is the Catholic Church influence. "It should be a secular state and reflect the Ireland of today, which includes Catholics, Protestants, Muslims and atheists." Lisa Scott, a community activist from Los Angeles who cited her home city has one of the most diverse in the world, suggested reaching out to other ethnic community groups for help as well. "There's lot of education that needs to be done," she said, adding that many Americans don't realize know about current issues in Ireland. "I want to encourage people to talk to other communities and use media to do that." Adams responded to the comments and suggestions from the crowd, noting that one strategy would be to follow a major social media campaign similar to those used in during the 2008 U.S. presidential campaign. He also noted that one of the strategies strongly advocated at the forums in both New York and San Francisco was the push for municipal and state legislature resolutions and referendums across the country. "This isn't a talking shop,"
he concluded, telling the audience, "to take these ideas and
the ones that suit you as individuals or your organizations or agency,
and then make them a reality. That will be the mark of the success
or failure of this initiative.
Right
to Protest Suppressed by Riot Squad in Belfast As dozens of masked paramilitary police decamped from armoured jeeps onto a Belfast street it could have been a scene from 1969, 1979 or 1989. But it wasn’t. Instead it was June 27th 2009 – the day of Britain’s inaugural ‘Armed Forces Day’. If proof was ever needed of the unchanged nature of both British policing in Ireland and the wider occupation, it was provided in Belfast today. As one arm of Britain’s occupation forces were ‘celebrated’ with the flying of the ‘Armed Forces Day’ flag above City Hall, another arm of those same occupation forces were busy suppressing the right to peaceful protest. While republicans are all too used to the PSNI blocking the routes of ‘illegal’ marches, today the PSNI went a step further and prevented éirígí activists and supporters from even reaching the assembly point for a static picket. Those walking on the footpath found their path blocked by baton-yielding paramilitaries clad from head to foot in body armour. Such pre-emptive policing would sit comfortably in the police state of Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four. The picket which was called in opposition to the flying of the ‘Armed Forces Day’ flag over Belfast City Hall was unable to take place as upwards of 120 people were prevented from entering the centre of Ireland’s second city. As it became apparent that the PSNI were intent on using violence to prevent access to the city centre an impromptu protest was held on Castle Street. As part of this protest the names of those killed as a result of British state violence was read to the listening crowd. The task of reading this lengthy list of names was shared between Marie Drumm, whose mother Máire was murdered by unionist death squads, and éirígí’s Seán Mac Brádaigh. This dignified memorial to the victims of British state violence stood in contrast to the menacing backdrop of the masked militia. Speaking after the protest éirígí General Secretary Breandán Mac Cionnaith said, “All the talk of change in recent years has today been exposed as just that – talk and nothing more than empty, hollow talk. Belfast city centre remains a no-go zone for republicans – unless, of course, those republicans are wiling to ask the British state for permission to enter their own city. “In light of the potential threat to the safety of those attending the picket we decided that it would be best for people from the west of the city to walk together to City Hall. And this is what we did only to find the footpath blocked by the PSNI riot squad. When we moved to the footpath on the other side of the road the PSNI moved ahead of us to block it also. Despite the spin of the PSNI there was no attempt made by éirígí to march to City Hall. What we witnessed today was the actions of a police state where protest and dissent are met with brute force.” In closing Breandán committed éirígí to opposing ‘Armed Forces Day’ in the future. “Today was the first so-called
armed forces day. By our protest here today éirígí
has ensured that it did not pass unopposed. In the years to come we
will build on today’s protest and ensure that June 27th becomes
a date of protest – not a date of celebration.”
Pipe
bomb threat to Roma discovered Racists are trying to intensify their intimidation of foreign migrants in Northern Ireland with homemade explosives, the Observer has learnt. Pipe bombs discovered in the Village area of south Belfast last week were to be used to attack more properties housing immigrants in the district, security sources said yesterday. Last Thursday, a number of pipe bombs were discovered in the Ulsterville Drive area. Two bombs were found at around 8.30pm in an alleyway off the street, sparking a major security alert. The ordnance was not part of any loyalist weapons cache, most of which has now been decommissioned. The police are also understood to be investigating reports that a group of racists with connections to neo-Nazi terror group Combat 18 smuggled a shotgun into the same area. One source told the Observer: "They got it from friends in C18 in England who wanted them to target foreign nationals. "They sent a text message this week saying: 'English C18 thanks all true loyalists for forcing Romanian Muslims out of Belfast and also Polish in mid Ulster out of their homes! These foreign nationals are a threat to Britain's Britishness.'" The home-made shotgun and the discovery of pipe bombs is a worrying development for police, who are trying to ease community tensions between loyalists and foreigners. Last December, four blast bombs were found on a BMX track off the Donegall Road, south Belfast. Police believe the "viable" devices had been left at the track by young racists once connected to the UDA. They were defused by army technical officers and found to be packed with nails, shrapnel and powder from fireworks. Police chiefs told members of Northern Ireland's Policing Board that they believed the devices were to be used as part of a race-hate campaign in south Belfast. Meanwhile, the Roma families subjected to repeated intimidation close to the Village area are now all back in Romania. Sixty-five men, women and children flew out of Dublin Airport on a flight bound for Budapest. They then crossed the Hungarian border and arrived back in the Bihor region of northwest Romania on Friday. Before going through security one of the Romanians, Fernando Teglas, said he was sad to be leaving well-paid work but felt he had no choice but to return with his wife and children. After checking in, Teglas said: "I had a really good job selling the Belfast Telegraph around the city but it's too dangerous to stay now." Teglas's home on Wellesley Avenue close to the university district of south Belfast was one of two properties under repeated attack from racists earlier this month. Asked about his prospects and those of the other families, he said: "I'm coming back to no job and no home. The Roma are the last people to be hired back in Romania and the first to be fired."
Arms
witness hails loyalist move One of the independent witnesses to IRA decommissioning has welcomed the steps taken by loyalist paramilitaries to give up their arms. The UVF and Red Hand Commando said on Saturday their weapons and explosives were "totally and irreversibly beyond use". The independent body overseeing decommissioning confirmed the UDA and UFF had begun their process. Reverend Harold Good said it was another step towards normality in NI. "We now can look forward knowing that the paramilitary organisations have declared to themselves, to each other, and to all of us, that their war is over," he said. "I think it gives grounds for great confidence and it cements our peace process." Meanwhile, in a separate development, a Church of Ireland bishop has said Protestants need to accept their part in the Troubles as a community, apologise, and confess their sin. Dr Harold Miller, Bishop of Down and Dromore, said Protestants are inclined to think that they were entirely the victims of the Troubles and that it was others who had prolonged the decades of sectarian conflict. Speaking on Sunday Sequence on Radio Ulster, he said: "We feel as a Protestant community that we were the status quo, we were doing things in an honourable kind of way, and along came terrorists and difficult people who upset the whole apple cart. "I think there is an inclination to say: 'these were the baddies and we were the goodies'." A statement from the Independent
International Commission on Decommissioning on the the UVF/RHC disarmament
process is expected in the next few days.
Orange
Order ranks drop to record low Despite a revival in country areas and parts of the province, many feel Orange Order membership now counts against you Membership of the Orange Order has fallen by nearly two thirds since 1968 and is now at an all-time low. Orange leaders say that the decline is due to a loss of interest in religious organisations among young people. In a press release announcing next month’s 18 parades, Robert Saulters, the grand master of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland (GOLI), claimed that there were 100,000 members worldwide. But yesterday Drew Nelson, the Order’s grand secretary, confirmed that there were only “about 36,000” members in Ireland, a figure which he said he had been open about in the past. Internal figures supplied by sources in the Order confirm that membership between 1948 and 2006 has declined. Each Orangeman pays a fixed annual “capitation” to the grand lodge, and membership estimates given to The Sunday Times are calculated using internal records of this income. In 1948, when the capitation was 3p (1.25p), the number of Orangemen was 76,447. By 2006, the latest year for which figures are available, the number of members is less than half that, 35,758. The capitation fee is now £5.25. The highest number was 93,447 members in 1968, at the start of the Troubles, when many people joined thinking that the Orange Order would organise defence forces. This fell to 64,160 within a year and has drifted downwards ever since. In 1990, when it was being claimed that there were 100,000 members in Ireland, there were actually only 47,084. Nelson said that Northern Ireland is becoming a more secular society, in which the Orange Order was seen by some as old-fashioned. “We are an organisation that expects our members to go to church at a time when church attendance is declining,” he said. Nelson contends that the Orange Order is still a large organisation. “The question is why considerable numbers of young Protestants continue to join an organisation with such traditional values,” he said. Under unionist-majority rule, membership was an advantage in work and politics. Now many people feel that it could count against them. “In the police you have to notify your employers if you are a member; it is like a notifiable disease,” he said. “There’s a revival in country areas and there are plans in other parts of the province to see the Order grow again,” said Rev Mervyn Gibson, the grand lodge’s deputy grand chaplain. The Orange Order was spread through the world by British Army regiments, which had lodges attached to them, as well as by Irish missionaries. There are pockets of support in Ghana and Togo. Delegates from there, as well
as from North America, Australia, Scotland, England and New Zealand,
will visit Belfast this year for a meeting of the Imperial Grand Council.
Missiles
thrown at Orange parade in North There was a tense 90-minute stand off in west Belfast this evening as an Orange parade through the main peace line was delayed by a bomb scare. Hundreds of nationalists had gathered to protest at the parade and police were drafted in to prevent clashes with loyalists. Two bottles, a golf ball and a stone were thrown. Afterwards local republican, Sean Murray said that the parade route must be changed as the majority don't want it. "It's a nationalist road that they walking through and they have to recognise the sensitivities of the people who live along that road. "There's been massive demographic
change in this area, what used to be a Unionist is now a 100% nationalist
area. So you have to and recognise and understand that."
Police
stop protest republicans Republicans who were intending to protest at an event celebrating Armed Forces Day at Belfast City Hall were stopped by police. A crowd of about 50 people walked down Castle Street in the city centre, where they were blocked by officers in riot gear on Saturday morning. The police said that because the group stepped onto the road their protest became an "illegal parade". The crowd dispersed a short time later after some shouting. The republicans were protesting
over the raising of the Armed Forces Day flag at City Hall.
Loyalist
paramilitaries confirm decommissioning The Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and the Red Hand Commando (RHC) have released statements confirming reports that they have carried out major acts of disarmament. The weapons were destroyed as part of a process overseen by the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD). The UVF said it had destroyed its entire arsenal, with a further major disarmament act from the RHC. The UDA released a statement in Belfast confirming it had decommissioned a portion of its illegal arsenal and had started a process that would lead to the destruction of all its arms. The UDA statement said: “This is a courageous and unprecedented move that is part of a wider transition from conflict to peace. “This process was initiated in autumn 2008 when the Combined Loyalist Military Command was reconvened to address the outstanding issue of Loyalist military material. As a result of those discussions, all constituent parts agreed to set in place the internal arrangements necessary to begin the disarmament process. “As a result we have held a series of meetings with General John De Chastelain and his team who have witnessed an act of decommissioning. This process will be completed within the previously notified timescale. “By carrying out this act we are helping to build a new and better Northern Ireland where conflict is a thing of the past.” The UVF leadership said: “We have done so to further augment the establishment of accountable democratic governance in this region of the UK, to remove the pretext that loyalist weaponry is an obstacle to the development of our communities and to compound our legacy of integrity to the peace process.” The UVF killed 550 people during the Troubles, while the UDA, which also operated under the flag of convenience of the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF), claimed 431 lives. The Red Hand Commando, a splinter group allied to the UVF, killed 19 people. Most of the groups’ victims were Catholic civilians. Earlier this month it emerged that the loyalist groups had taken moves to begin decommissioning all their weapons - as the IRA did four years ago. The move was welcomed by the Irish and British governments at the time, but they said that they were awaiting official confirmation of the disarmament act, and information on the scale of arms cache destroyed, in a formal report from the IICD due to be published in August. But after news of the decommissioning leaked out, it had been expected that the loyalist groupings would take steps to confirm they had started to destroy their illegal weapons. There has been speculation that General de Chastelain may also issue an early statement to confirm what has taken place. The IICD was established in 1997 to oversee the decommissioning of paramilitary weapons, with those passing illegal weapons to the body granted immunity from prosecution. The political process was dogged by efforts to secure IRA decommissioning, which was eventually completed in 2005. Last night, Sinn Féin issued a statement welcoming the move. “The IRA dealt with the issue of arms in a decisive way four years ago. If these reports prove to be true and the UVF have now followed suit then that would obviously be a welcome move. “It is also important that other armed organisations go down this road. Politics is now working and there is no basis for any organisation holding onto arms” Meanwhile, the Parades Commission has called on Orange Order representatives and nationalist residents to enter into “serious discussions” to try to come to a future definitive agreement over the annual contentious Whiterock parade in west Belfast. There is some concern that following the minor disturbances at last weekend’s Tour of the North loyalist parade in north Belfast, allegedly involving some dissident republican supporters, that there could be trouble at this afternoon’s Whiterock Orange Order parade. The Whiterock parades have been peaceful since the last major outbreak of trouble during the postponed parade which took place in September 2005. Additional anxiety was triggered this week however following a warning by Sinn Féin Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness that the days of republicans “stretching” themselves to maintain calm in the face of Orange Order marching “sectarianism” could not last forever. The UVF campaign of violence stretches back to the mid-1960s when loyalists lashed-out over the 50th anniversary of the 1916 Rising and against early calls for full civil rights for Catholics in Northern Ireland. In 1966 it killed two Catholic men, John Scullion and Peter Ward, plus Protestant woman Matilda Gould who was caught up in an attack on a Catholic owned bar next to her home. The UVF carried out the Dublin and Monaghan bombings in 1974 which caused the largest single loss of life in the conflict, killing 33 people. The group killed 550 people during the Troubles, while the UDA, which also operated under the flag of convenience of the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF), claimed 431 lives. The Red Hand Commando, a splinter group allied to the UVF, killed 19 people. The UDA was formed in 1971 and is the largest paramilitary group in Northern Ireland, once boasting tens of thousands of members. It controversially remained a legal organisation until as recently as 1992 when it was banned by the then Secretary of State Sir Patrick Mayhew. UVF statement in full The following is the full text of the statement issued by the leadership of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and the Red Hand Commando (RHC) paramilitary groups confirming they had decommissioned their weapons. Ulster Volunteer Force & Red Hand Commando command staff. The leadership of the Ulster Volunteer Force and Red Hand Commando today confirms it has completed the process of rendering ordnance totally, and irreversibly, beyond use. This process was initiated in autumn 2008 when the Combined Loyalist Military Command was reconvened to address the outstanding issue of Loyalist military material. As a result of those discussions, all constituent parts agreed to set in place the internal arrangements necessary to begin the disarmament process. In March 2009, all preparations were suspended following the attacks on UK citizens at Masserene Barracks and Craigavon. Assurances were sought from the Government, and from the Irish Government, that those responsible, in whatever jurisdiction, would be vigorously pursued and the failures of 1969 would not be revisited upon our community. Only when forthright assurances were given, and it became clear that they would be honoured, did our process resume. Across every operational area in Northern Ireland and in all regions of Great Britain; in conjunction with the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning; in the presence of independent international witnesses and consistent with the modalities and schemes agreed upon by our interlocutor; the Ulster Volunteer Force and Red Hand Commando have now concluded that process. We have done so to further augment the establishment of accountable democratic governance in this region of the United Kingdom; to remove the pretext that Loyalist weaponry is an obstacle to the development of our communities and to compound our legacy of integrity to the peace process. We believe the significance and substance of our actions will satisfy the above objectives. For God and Ulster. Captain William Johnston; Adjutant.
UDA statement
in full This is the full statement issued today by the Ulster Defence Association confirming it has started to decommission its weapons: Today is a milestone in the history of Loyalism, and Northern Ireland. We came together to protect our communities and fought a long war to defend them against Republican violence. The struggle has ended. Peace and democracy have been secured and the need for armed resistance has gone. Consequently we are putting our arsenal of weaponry permanently beyond use. This is a courageous and unprecedented move that is part of a wider transition from conflict to peace. This process was initiated in autumn 2008 when the Combined Loyalist Military Command was reconvened to address the outstanding issue of Loyalist military material. As a result of those discussions, all constituent parts agreed to set in place the internal arrangements necessary to begin the disarmament process. As a result we have held a series of meetings with General John de Chastelain and his team who have witnessed an act of decommissioning. This process will be completed within the previously notified timescale. By carrying out this act we are helping to build a new and better Northern Ireland where conflict is a thing of the past. In this important moment in our history we wish to pay tribute to the courage and fortitude of our comrades and communities. To those who have died, we salute you and forever treasure your memory. To those who have lost loved ones, we share your grief. To those who have been injured or imprisoned, we thank you for your sacrifice. The dark days are now behind us and it is time to move on. There is no place for guns and violence in the new society we are building. It is time to work for a better future. Many Loyalist areas suffer high levels of deprivation and poverty, and we have a commitment to the communities that we have defended all these years. We will work with our people to build stronger and better communities so that our children and our children's children can enjoy peace and prosperity. We are proud of our past and we rejoice in the new found peace, stability and democracy which we helped to secure. We look forward to playing our part in building a better Northern Ireland. As John McMichael stated before his untimely death: "There is no section of this divided Ulster community which is totally innocent or indeed totally guilty, totally right or totally wrong. We all share the responsibility for creating the situation, either by deed or by acquiescence. Therefore we must share the responsibility for finding a settlement and share the responsibility of maintaining good government." Quis Separabit
UVF and
UDA still driving Coleraine agenda Coleraine Sinn Féin councillor Billy Leonard yesterday said that UDA and UVF figures were involved in bringing crowds into Coleraine to erect flags in the Heights area near the spot where Kevin McDaid was murdered. He said they are setting the agenda in Coleraine by purposely heightening tension in the run-up the controversial and re-routed march in the town next Wednesday night. Councillor Leonard said: “We have now got it confirmed in court that the UDA was involved in Kevin McDaid’s murder and that same organisation, along with the UVF, are still driving the Coleraine agenda. Their members are involved in the rent-a-crowd approach to erecting flags in the Heights area of the town. “It is essential that the loyal orders and more unionist politicians look to the greater good of the community and spoke out about loyalist paramilitaries holding back progress. “I know there are massive
debates within the unionist and loyalist community given Kevin’s
murder and now the latest antics from the UDA and UVF. It is time
for a bit of honesty in the area from unionism and not the continuously
insulting nonsense from the DUP’s Gregory Campbell.”
UVF brothers
given life for role in killing Two Newtownabbey brothers who turned supergrass against their former UVF colleagues were yesterday jailed for life for their part in the murder of a prominent loyalist. Robert John Stewart (35) from Carntall Rise and David Stewart (39) from Ballyearl Rise, were each given mandatory life sentences at Belfast Crown Court for aiding and abetting in the murder of UDA leader Tommy English in October 2000. However, it is understood they will serve only a short term behind bars in exchange for giving evidence against a dozen members of the Mount Vernon UVF. Forty-year-old Mr English gunned down in front of his wife and children during a loyalist feud between the UVF and UDA. Earlier this year the Stewart brothers agreed to give evidence against their former colleagues in the UVF. Yesterday they pleaded guilty to 10 counts of aiding and abetting in the murder, hijacking a vehicle, false imprisonment, possession of a firearm and belonging to the UVF. They are due to be sentenced on September 11. Former UVF leader Mark Haddock and a number of other senior UVF figures have already been charged with Mr English’s murder, based entirely on evidence provided by the Stewart brothers. The brothers are currently being held in a secure wing inside Maghaberry prison away from other inmates. They are expected to be flown out of Northern Ireland and placed in a witness protection scheme once they have completed their prison sentence. It is the latest blow to the Mount Vernon UVF. In January 2007 Police Ombudsman Nuala O’Loan published a report into the activities of Mount Vernon UVF leader Mark Haddock. The report revealed that Haddock had been protected from prosecution in more than a dozen murders because he was working as a Special Branch agent. The original complaint was taken by the family of Raymond McCord Jnr, who was beaten to death by Haddock’s Mount Vernon UVF gang in November 1997. Mr McCord said he was pleased the men had been convicted. “I am delighted that the two members of the Mount Vernon UVF have been convicted of murder and am confident that other members of the gang, including Haddock, will also be convicted of murder in the near future,” he said. “The people who murdered
my son may never be convicted of his murder, but I am confident that
they will be convicted of other killings and will be sent to prison
for a very long time.”
McDaid
killing: defence requests criminal histories Lawyers for one of the men accused of killing Catholic community worker Kevin McDaid have launched a bid to uncover prosecution witnesses’ full criminal histories. The application to the High Court centred on the credibility of a man described as the “lynchpin” of the case against Christopher McDowell. Mr McDowell (33) is remanded in custody charged with murdering the father-of-four in Coleraine, Co Derry, last month and the attempted murder of another local Catholic man Damien Fleming. Mr McDaid (49) was beaten to death when a mob rampaged through a nationalist part of the town after Glasgow Rangers won the Scottish Premier League title. Counsel for McDowell, of Glebe Avenue, Coleraine, said he was seeking the criminal records and any other misconduct details held on three witnesses relevant to his client. Focusing on one of them, Martin O’Rourke produced a newspaper article which contained allegations that this man had erected tricolour flags in the Heights area to taunt Rangers fans. “He really is the key witness against the applicant,” the barrister told the court. “If there is any substance in that report it demonstrates a level of animus on the part of (the witness) towards people he perceives to be of the other persuasion, including this applicant. “It was my understanding that [the witness] was central in naming a very large number of people. One would question the accuracy and veracity of his identification in those circumstances.” Mr O’Rourke stressed he wanted more than the criminal records which had just been supplied to him. “There may well be misconduct which the police are aware of which may not in the past have come to trial or may not yet have come to trial,” he added. “It is my understanding, for example, that police have requested an Asbo in relation to [the key witness].” Prosecution counsel Nicola Auret said she had been unaware that the defence lawyers were applying for disclosure rather than making a fresh bail application. She argued it was premature to bring the case without giving the Public Prosecution Service time to respond to correspondence from Mr McDowell’s legal team. Mr Justice Treacy, who refused
Mr McDowell’s previous application for bail, adjourned the case
until the prosecution service replies to the request.
Murder
victim’s cousin in court over flags row A cousin of Coleraine murder victim Kevin McDaid appeared in court yesterday charged with behaviour likely to incite hatred following further sectarian unrest in the town. Peter Neill was also charged with incitement to hatred when he appeared at Coleraine Magistrates Court. It is understood the charges relate to trouble earlier this week after union and Orange Order flags were put up close to the scene of Mr McDaid’s murder in May. The 41-year-old from Westbourne Crescent in the Co Derry town was remanded in custody to reappear on July 6. Mr Neill, a cousin of Mr McDaid who collapsed and died outside his Somerset Drive home after being attacked by a loyalist mob on May 24, was also injured during the trouble. Police are treating the attack on another man, Damian Fleming, who is still in hospital, as attempted murder. To date 10 people have been charged in relation to the attacks in the mixed Heights area and tensions remain high in the town. An Orange Order parade was due to march along Somerset Drive and Pate’s Lane but organisers voluntarily rerouted, submitting a revised route to the Parades Commission at the last minute. However, when loyalists began putting up flags close to the scene of Mr McDaid’s murder ahead of the July 1 parade tensions flared. SDLP assembly member John Dallat said the band should have “gone another step and excluded themselves from Pate’s Lane”. He also said he had been contacted by a resident who claimed several flags had been attached to a lamp-post beside the murder scene on Thursday evening. Last night the local lodge which has organised next week’s parade said that earlier in the day “two flags were removed by the Orange Order in the area in an attempt to help defuse community tension”. PUP spokesman Ken Wilkinson said that loyalists planned to take down all contentious flags in the area last night. Acting Chief Inspector John Wisener said the first incident had occurred on Wednesday when a group of young nationalists appeared and “shouted abuse” at the men with the flags. A standoff ensued and the men eventually left the area. However, the same situation occurred on Thursday night when a larger group arrived with flags and were met with an increased nationalist presence, he added. A second standoff occurred but the senior officer said there had been no attacks on property or people and only one person had been arrested and later charged with behaviour likely to incite hatred and incitement to hatred. Mr Wisener praised the work of community leaders and encouraged everyone to do their part in reducing tension. Appealing for calm in the Heights
he said police would continue to do their part and had increased their
“patrol strategy”.
Arrest
threat over ‘offensive weapon’ hurl sparks probe The Police Ombudsman has been asked to investigate the PSNI’s attitude to Gaelic games after it was claimed an officer told a Derry teenager a hurl was an offensive weapon. Aaron Griffin (14), a member of the Derry county hurling development squad, was playing with his hurl and sliothar outside his home at The Old Fort, Strathfoyle, when he was approached by police. Anthony Griffin said his son, who plays club hurling with Na Magha in Derry, was told to move on from a green area. Mr Griffin claimed that when his son objected at being asked to move, a police officer told him the hurl he was holding was an “offensive weapon” and he could be arrested. Mr Griffin said his son was an enthusiastic hurler and used every opportunity to practice the skills of the game. “He was only one there with a hurl and sliothar and was just ‘pucking’ about the green and practicing cuts. “I’ve been trying to get him to come of the wall and change hands and he was practising,” Mr Griffin said. The Derry father said the police told his son they were intimidating neighbours but his son and his friends were merely playing on the green. “Police don’t have the right to say who can play on the green,” Mr Griffin said. He said he was not trying to make any major point by highlighting the situation but merely wanted his son to be able to play hurley without feeling intimidated. For the past number of years the PSNI has fielded a Gaelic football team which plays in a number of competitions and also plays challenge games against clubs in Northern Ireland. The matter has now been taken up by assembly member and policing board member, Martina Anderson whose office met Mr Griffin yesterday. Ms Anderson said she has forwarded the issued to the Policing Ombudsman’s office which is making arrangements to meet the Griffin family. “I have also raised it with the Policing Board and I’ll be calling on them to clarify the PSNI’s position in regard to Gaelic games. “The PSNI are well aware of Gaelic cultures as they have a GAA team themselves so any suggestion of an attempt to criminalise Gaelic games would be unacceptable,” Ms Anderson said. A PSNI spokeswoman confirmed police were aware of allegations. She said police were making inquiries to establish the circumstances surrounding the “alleged incident”. |
